The New German Empire
(1871--1893.)
The First German Parliament by Direct Vote. --The Political Factions.
--The Ultramontane Party in Opposition to the Government.
--Struggle with the Church of Rome. --"Kulturkampf." --Falk
appointed Minister of Culture. --His first Success. --Animosity of
the Pope. --The Jesuits expelled from Germany. --The May Laws.
--The Roman Catholic Clergy rebel. --Civil Marriage made
requisite.
--The "Bundesrath." --Meeting of the Three Emperors. --Armaments.
--Peace secured by Diplomacy. --Financial Questions. --Bismarck
obliged to look to the Ultramontanes for Parliamentary Support. --A
conciliatory Policy towards the Roman Church. --Falk resigns. --The
Social-Democrats, and the Attacks on the Life of William I. --The
Exceptional Law. --Party Dissensions. --A higher Protective Policy
introduced. --New Taxes. --The Opening of Parliament in 1881.
--Scheme of the Government for bettering the Condition of the
Workingmen. --The Colonial Question. --War-Clouds. --France finds a
Sympathizer in Russia. --The Triple Alliance. --The Military
Budget. --The Dissolution of Parliament. --The Government gains a
Victory by new Elections. --Ludwig II. of Bavaria and his tragic
End. --The Death of Emperor William I. --Fatal Disease of the
Crown-Prince. --The Latter as Frederick III. --His Death. --His
Successor, William II. --Resignation of Bismarck. --General Caprivi
made Chancellor. --The German-English Agreement. --The Triple
Alliance renewed. --New commercial Treaties. --Withdrawal of the
School Bill. --A new Army Bill rejected and Parliament dissolved.
--New Elections result in victory for the Government.
[Sidenote: 1871. FIRST SESSION OF PARLIAMENT.]
After many a dark and gloomy century, the dream of a united Germany was
realized. The outer pile stood complete before the awakening nation and
an astonished world; now there remained to be done the patient,
painstaking work of consolidating the federation of States in all
particulars, making the different parts one within as well as without.
On the 21st of March, 1871, the first German Parliament, elected by the
direct vote of the people, met at Berlin, the capital of the federation,
and the political parties took their stand. Bismarck, Prince, Chancellor
of the Empire, acknowledged as the first statesman of Europe, saw the
advantage of a liberal policy, which secured for the Government the
support of the Nationals and the Liberals, and with them a sufficient
majority to carry out its plans. At the same time the Chancellor had to
reckon with an opposition that was threatening to German unity. Chief
among it were the Ultramontanes (or Papal party), so called because they
looked beyond the Alps for their sovereign guide--the Church of Rome.
They formed the Centre party, and around them all the dissatisfied
elements grouped themselves--the Particularists, who still held on to
their petty provincial interests; the Poles from Eastern Prussia; the
Danes from northern Schleswig; the Social-Democrats; and later the
representatives of Alsatia and Lorraine. On the utmost right sat the old
feudal nobility, which was reactionary at the outset. Although diverging
far apart in aims and purposes, these different factions joined hands
against the Federal Government whenever their interests were concerned,
and thus at times constituted a powerful foe.
[Sidenote: 1872.]
It soon became evident that the chief battle to maintain union and
freedom had to be fought with the Ultramontanes, who were inspired by
the counsel of the Vatican and upheld by the authority actually wielded
in Germany by the Roman Catholic Church. The concessions made to it in
Prussia by the romantic spirit of Frederick William IV. had borne their
bitter fruit, and the Protestant kingdom had become even more a foothold
for the Church of Rome than Catholic Bavaria. On the same day on which
France declared war against Germany the Papal power sounded another
war-trumpet by proclaiming the Dogma of Papal Infallibility. Germany had
been the victor in the combat with France; it now had to encounter the
other foe in defence of the best life of the nation--an untrammelled
conscience, free schools, the sway of reason, and the light of science.
The task of fighting a state within the state, which confronted the
Federal Government and the nation at the very outset, was hard and
bitter on both sides. It took place in Parliament as well as in the
Prussian and Bavarian Assemblies, and as a struggle for the preservation
of the blessings of modern civilization it has been designated
"Kulturkampf," a fight for culture.
In the beginning of 1872 the Chancellor knew himself sufficiently
supported by the National-Liberals in Parliament and in the Prussian
Assembly to take up the combat with the Roman Church and its adherents
in both political bodies. He caused the reactionary Minister of
Culture, von Muehler, to resign his office, and invited Adalbert Falk, a
statesman of keen insight and fearless energy, to take his place. Falk
undertook to define the boundaries between the State and the Church by a
series of laws, and his first success was in carrying through the
Prussian Assembly a bill that made the public schools independent of the
Church, and gave their supervision to the State. The Pope's answer to
this measure was his refusal to receive the Emperor's ambassador,
Cardinal Hohenlohe, who had been nominated for diplomatic representation
at the Vatican on account of his conciliatory spirit. At this period
Bismarck made his famous declaration, "To Canossa we do not go!" The
conflict waxed hotter, and from all parts of Germany the enlightened
portions of the people sent petitions to Parliament, asking it to
exclude from the precincts of the Empire the Jesuits, who were known to
be the Pope's advisers, and as such were at the root of the evil. The
demand was granted. A bill to that effect was introduced into
Parliament, and, after much passionate debate, became a law. Before the
close of the year every member of the Society of Jesus had to leave
Germany, and all institutions belonging to that organization were
closed.
[Sidenote: 1873. THE MAY LAWS.]
The year 1873 brought about the important legislation by which the lines
between the competencies of State and Church were conclusively defined.
It was designed primarily to benefit Prussia, but its effect in the end
was of advantage to the whole of Germany. The bills destined to restrict
the undue power of the Roman Catholic Church, in spite of violent
opposition on the part of the Ultramontanes and the reactionary Feudals,
were carried through the Prussian Assembly in the month of May, and
hence are called the "May laws." They were met by open rebellion on the
part of the Prussian episcopacy. The Catholic clergy closed the doors of
their seminaries to the Government supervisors; they published protests
of every form against legislation that had not the sanction of the Papal
See; they omitted to make announcement to the provincial governments of
newly appointed curates or beneficiaries, and demonstrated in every way
their insubordination to the lay authorities. In accordance with the new
laws, these rebellious acts were punished by the withdrawal of dotations
that had been granted by the State to Roman Catholic seminaries or
schools, and the latter in some instances were closed. The curates
appointed without consent of the head authorities were forbidden to
officiate, and their religious functions declared to be null and void.
Then the rebellious prelates were fined or imprisoned, and, as a last
resort, declared to be out of office, while the endowments of their
dioceses were administered by lay officials.
[Sidenote: 1874.]
In 1874 civil marriage was made obligatory by law, first in Prussia, and
then, after receiving also the sanction of Parliament, throughout the
Empire. With this measure a powerful weapon was wrenched from the hands
of the clergy, and another blow was dealt. Other measures followed,
under protests from Pope and clergy, and hot debating was continued in
the legislative bodies, until, in 1876, matters of another nature and
more momentous importance forced themselves to the front.
The work for organization and reform, up to this time, had progressed in
various directions, and the proposed measures for cementing German unity
had received more or less ready support in Parliament and the Assemblies
of the different States. The latter had their representatives at Berlin,
who were nominated by their respective sovereigns. They met in a body
called the Bundesrath--the Counsel of the Federation. Any step taken by
the Federal Government towards legislation affecting the whole of the
Empire had to be laid before and agreed to by the Bundesrath before it
could be introduced into Parliament. Thus the rights of the States were
preserved, and the reigning Princes were made still to feel their
importance, which tended to create harmony between them and the Empire.
While the interior growth of the latter was of a healthy and steady
nature, the genius of the great statesman, Prince Bismarck, was busy
likewise in allaying the fears and, in a measure, mollifying the envy
and jealousies of neighboring powers. In September, 1872, the Emperors
of Germany, Austria, and Russia met at Berlin, to renew assurances of
friendship and thus convince the world of their peaceable intentions.
The cordial relations between the reigning families of Germany and Italy
were strengthened by visits from court to court, and even Denmark was
somewhat pacified in regard to its loss of Schleswig-Holstein. But
France still frowned at a distance, and was preparing for revenge. The
meeting of the three Emperors gave her additional offence, and she
strove to reorganize and enlarge her army. This called forth
counter-movements in Germany, where the reorganization of the army--even
before the late wars a pet project of William I.--had been agreed to by
Parliament. A prudent diplomacy, and the friendly demonstrations of
Alexander II. to the German Emperor and his Chancellor, dispelled for a
time the rising war-clouds, and the peaceful work of interior
organization was continued.
[Sidenote: 1882. REVISION OF THE MAY LAWS.]
After the Roman Church had been restricted to its lawful boundaries, the
most important questions looming up were those in reference to financial
matters. The income of the Empire proved insufficient to cover the
enormous outlay for necessary changes and reforms to be perfected, while
at the same time influences were brought about to forward a higher
protective policy than had been adhered to hitherto. In order to bring
about an increased tariff, and such taxation as the financial situation
required, the Chancellor had to look for the support of other parties
than the Nationals and the Liberal-Conservatives. He took it where it
was offered, and here the Ultramontanes or Centre party saw their
opportunity. The consequence was a tacit compromise with the latter. The
contest with the Vatican faltered; a conciliatory policy was adopted in
matters concerning the Catholic Church, and Falk, seeing his work
crippled, resigned his office, in 1879, to make room for a reactionary
Minister of Culture. In 1882 a revision of the May laws took place; the
refractory bishops were allowed to return, the ecclesiastical
institutions were reopened, salaries were paid once more to the clergy
by the State, and other restitutions were made, for all of which the
Pope only acceded to the demand that new appointments of ecclesiastics
should be announced in due form to the German Government.
At this period the political situation was aggravated by the agitation
of the Social-Democrats, and by what seemed to be its direct outgrowth,
the repeated murderous attempts on the life of the Emperor William I. in
May and June, 1878. These startling events opened the eyes of the people
to a danger in their very midst--a danger threatening society and all
its most sacred institutions. To avert it, the Chancellor at once caused
a bill to be drawn up for an exceptional law, meant to suppress all
aggressive movements of the Social-Democrats and reduce them to silence.
When it was laid before Parliament, it found no favor with the
majority, and was rejected; whereupon the Chancellor, in the name of the
Emperor, declared Parliament to be dissolved. The new elections did not
bring about any considerable change; but a majority was obtained, and
the exceptional law was established for two years and a half, which
period afterwards was prolonged several times.
[Sidenote: 1881.]
The steady inner growth of the first eight or nine years had now been
checked by party dissension and political discord, brought on chiefly by
the financial difficulties, in which the new Empire found itself
involved, and the steady demand from centres of industry and agriculture
for higher protective measures. These demands, being favored by the
Chancellor, were gaining the upper hand: customs were increased, a new
duty was raised on cereals, and a considerable tax was put upon spirits.
All this made it easy for the Radicals to agitate and alarm the masses
of the people, and in consequence the parliamentary elections of 1881
gave a majority to the extreme Liberals in opposition to the Government.
When the new Parliament convened, the venerable Emperor, William I.,
opened it in person, and read a message the tenor of which was more than
usually solemn, pointing with great emphasis to the social evils of the
time, and the best remedies for healing them. The sequel of this message
was a project of great magnitude, which the Federal Government
introduced into Parliament for the purpose of bettering the conditions
of the laboring classes. To carry it out required successive bills and
years of indefatigable work, incessant debating, and many a hard
struggle with opposition, until at present the whole system is in
working order. It comprises a series of insurances for laborers, to
secure them from losses by sickness, accidents, invalidity, and age.
These insurances are obligatory, and the cost of them is borne jointly
by the Government, the employers, and the laborers themselves.
About this time the colonial question also caused a clashing of parties.
To open new channels of commerce and enterprise, certain mercantile
houses had acquired large tracts of land on foreign continents, and now
asked the protection of the Empire for their efforts. Germany, now a
first-class power and in possession of a growing navy, needed
coaling-stations in foreign waters, new lines of steamers to connect
directly with Africa and eastern Asia, and an outlet for her rapidly
multiplying population, which she would rather colonize under her own
flag than lose by emigration to other countries. The Federal Government
therefore took up this matter in its own interest, and asked Parliament
for appropriations and subsidies to carry out those enlarged plans. The
demand was received on the part of the Liberals and Radicals with
violent opposition; but, in the end, the decision, with the assistance
of the Centre party, was in favor of the Government.
[Sidenote: 1882. THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE.]
In the meantime fresh war-clouds were gathering on the political
horizon, on account of the accumulation of Russian troops on the
frontiers of Germany and Austria. The violent death of Alexander II. of
Russia had deprived Germany of a friend whom his successor, Alexander
III., did not mean to replace. His sympathies were with the growing
Pan-slavistic party, which through its press was exciting hatred against
all that was German. Thus France felt herself drawn towards Russia, and
both the Republic and the semi-barbarian Empire stood ready at any
moment to make common cause for the ruin of Germany. This constant
menace and its attendant rivalry in armament could not but be a
misfortune, not merely for Germany but for all the powers concerned. To
avert the danger of war as long as possible, the deep insight of the
great man at the helm of the Federal Government of Germany had led him
to take an important step in good time. As early as 1879 he had created
a counterpoise to the threatening attitude of France and Russia by
concluding an alliance for defensive purposes between Germany and
Austria, which a few years later was joined by Italy, and, as the
"Triple Alliance," has been the wedge to keep apart the hostile powers
in the East and the West, securing peace thereby.
In 1886 the time approached for a new military budget. The armaments of
both Russia and France had reached such enormous dimensions that the
German Government could not but know the military forces of the Empire
to be no longer on an equal footing with the hostile powers.
Consequently, it now asked Parliament not only for a new septennial
budget for military purposes, as twice before since 1874, but also for
appropriations to raise a larger contingent of soldiers (one per cent.
of the whole population, which, according to the last census, made
41,000 men more than at that time), and additional sums for
fortifications, barracks, arms, etc. Thereupon ensued another
parliamentary contest. The opposition proved themselves not sufficiently
patriotic to take a large view, and, in concert with the Centre, the
Liberals demanded that the contingent of soldiers should be diminished
and the budget granted for three years only. After much passionate
debate, and in spite of Bismarck's weighty eloquence, the motion of the
Government was carried in a crippled condition and by only a small
majority. Then Parliament was once more dissolved, and new elections
took place about a month afterwards (21st of February, 1887), which made
evident the temper of the people, since the Liberals and
Social-Democrats were heavy losers. Only half of their former number was
returned to Parliament. The military bill was now carried by a large
majority of Conservatives and Nationals, and financial as well as other
matters of importance were brought to a quick issue.
[Sidenote: 1887.]
The almost miraculous rise of a united Germany, and its wonderful inner
growth, had its reverses in the tragical events that took place in the
royal houses of Bavaria and Prussia, during 1886 and 1888. King Ludwig
II. of Bavaria, a man of superior intellectual qualities and gifted with
great charms, had been a victim of late years to mental hallucinations,
which at last began to endanger the finances and constitutional rights
of the country. It became necessary to declare him insane and to
establish a regency in his name. This and his confinement to his lonely
castle of Berg led the king to drown himself in the lake bordering the
grounds. His corpse and that of his attendant physician were found where
the gravel bottom of the shallow water gave evidence of a struggle
having taken place. Since the successor of Ludwig II., his younger
brother, Otto, was a confirmed maniac, the regency still remained with
Prince Luitpold, the uncle of both these unfortunate kings. He was
imbued with the national idea of German unity, and continued the same
wise and liberal policy that governed the actions of Ludwig II. in his
best days--a policy which earned for him the fame of being called one of
the founders of a united German Empire.
Early in 1888 the Emperor, nearly ninety-one years old, showed signs of
declining vitality, and in March the end was at hand. It was peaceful,
though clouded by a great sorrow which filled the last months of his
life. There was a vacant place among the members of his family who
surrounded his death-bed. His son, the Crown-Prince, now fifty-six years
of age, was detained by a fatal disease at San Remo, in Italy. William
I., beloved by the German people as no sovereign before him had been,
died on the 9th of March, and his son and heir, Frederick III., began
his reign of ninety-nine days. Sick as he was, and deprived of speech in
consequence of his cruel disease, his inborn sense of duty caused him to
set out for Berlin as soon as the news of the old Emperor's death
reached him. His proclamation to the people and his rescript to Prince
Bismarck are evidences of the noble and patriotic spirit that animated
him; but he was too ill, and his reign was too short, to determine what
he would have been to Germany had he lived. He died on the 15th of June,
1888, and almost his last words to his son and successor were: "Learn to
suffer without complaint."
[Sidenote: 1888. WILLIAM II.]
William II., born on the 27th of January, 1859, now became Emperor of
Germany. Many were the doubts with which he was seen to succeed to the
throne. He was young in years, in view of the heavy responsibilities
awaiting him; impulsive, where a steady head was required; and a soldier
with all his heart. Nevertheless, there was nothing to indicate during
the first years of his reign that the "old course" had been abandoned.
The first important event took place in March, 1890, when the startling
news was heard that Prince Bismarck had sent his resignation to the
Emperor, and that it had been accepted. For a moment the fate of Germany
seemed to hang in suspense; but the public mind soon recovered from the
shock it had received, and the most thoughtful of people realized that a
young ruler, imbued with modern ideas, and with an individuality all his
own, could not be expected to remain in harmony with or to be guided by
a statesman who, however great and wise, was growing old and in a
measure incapable of seeing a new light in affairs of internal policy.
On March 29th the ex-Chancellor left Berlin to retire to his estates.
Along his drive to the railway station he received the spontaneous
ovations of an immense concourse of people, who by their enthusiastic
cheers showed their appreciation for the creator of the new Germany.
[Sidenote: 1890.]
The Emperor nominated General Caprivi Chancellor of the Empire in place
of Bismarck. It was a good choice, since William II. evidently meant in
future to be his own chancellor. He was of too vivacious a nature to
accept a policy of State and Empire made ready to his hands. He had
knowledge, and ideas of his own which he expected to carry out. The
first serious dissension between the Emperor and Bismarck seems to have
turned upon the question of Socialism. Bismarck was in favor of
combating it with the utmost vigor, in order to avert the dangers
threatening to State and society; the Emperor, on the contrary, was for
conciliatory measures; for listening to the demands of the laboring
classes, and remedying by arbitration and further legislation the evils
of which they complained. The repressive measures hitherto resorted to,
and the new ones proposed, were abandoned, and thus far there is no
cause to condemn this "new course." Although the dangers from Socialism
have not grown less, it is no longer necessary for the enemy of social
order and justice to hide his face, and by that much it is easier to
fight him and to strike at the right spot.
Another event of note which took place in the same year, is the
German-English agreement of July 1st, by which the respective limits of
colonial possessions in Africa were regulated, and Germany became the
possessor of the island of Helgoland as a compensation for the lion's
share secured in Africa by England. The only value Germany derives from
this acquisition will show itself in a future war, when the fortified
island-rock may serve as an outpost, disputing the advance of hostile
war ships toward the northern coast of Germany.
In the following year the Triple Alliance was renewed, and had the
wholesome effect of stopping various rumors of war. Besides, Russia, who
had exchanged uncommon civilities with France, was in no condition to go
to war, crippled as she was by the dreadful suffering of her people
through famine consequent upon the failure of crops. Still another
incentive was furnished for France and Russia to remain at peace by an
understanding between England and Italy to keep intact the status quo
in the Mediterranean. Although not a treaty in the literal sense of the
word, it was sufficient to raise the prestige of the Triple Alliance,
and thus to strengthen its pacific tendencies.
[Sidenote: 1892. THE ARMY BILL.]
But the most important feature of internal policy is to be found in the
new commercial treaties which Germany contracted, first with the two
other powers of the Triple Alliance--Austria-Hungary and Italy--and
then with Belgium and Switzerland, as the most favored nations. The
treaties were planned and carefully drafted to bring relief to the
industrial classes by opening fresh channels for the exports of the
country; but inasmuch as the tariff was lowered by them on the
necessities of life, they also favored the rest of the population and
especially the laboring classes. These treaties were ratified in
Parliament by a large majority.
In the spring of the year (April 24th) Germany lost one of her greatest
men, the Field-Marshal Count Moltke, who had lived more than ninety
years in the full enjoyment of his powers. Another man, who also had
been prominent in his way, Windthorst, had died just one month before
Moltke, but he was missed only by the Roman Catholic Centre party, who
lost in him their ablest leader.
The following year a bill was laid before the Prussian Assembly
purporting to reform the public schools, but introducing at the same
time such clauses as would render both public and private schools
confessional. The bill was no sooner made public than it became evident
that only the ultra Conservatives and the Centre or Ultramontane party
were in favor of it, while the other parties, and behind them their
constituents, declared themselves extremely opposed to it. In
consequence of this bill the whole of Germany became greatly agitated;
numerous protests were sent to the Assembly and the Minister of Culture,
and men of note and intellect put in print their ominous warnings. All
this resulted in the withdrawal of the bill and the resignation of the
Minister of Culture, Count Zedlitz. But before the end of the year a new
army measure began to stir afresh the minds of politicians and people.
In his speech delivered before Parliament on November 23d, Caprivi
explained that new sacrifices in money and taxation were necessary, in
order to make the German army efficient to fight enemies "on two
fronts." He went on to demonstrate that, although no war was in sight,
France had surpassed Germany in her military organization and numbers,
while Russia was continually perfecting her strategical railway system,
and locating her best troops on her western frontier. To keep up an
equal footing with her neighbors, it was necessary for Germany to add
83,894 men to the present number of soldiers. In order to do this the
existing obligation to serve in the army would have to be extended to
every one capable of carrying arms. The cost was estimated at
$16,700,000 for the first year, and $16,000,000 for every year
succeeding. As a compensation for the heavy burdens to be imposed, the
Government offered to reduce the time for active service from three to
two years.
[Sidenote: 1893.]
There was from the first a widespread doubt among the people of the
necessity for such heavy sacrifices as were entailed by this bill, and
the possibility of carrying it successfully through Parliament. The body
deferred dealing with it until the following year, when the fate of the
bill was adversely decided on the 6th of May by a majority of
forty-eight out of three hundred and seventy-two votes. Parliament was
at once dissolved, and new elections were ordered to take place on the
15th of June. In the interval some unexpected splits favoring the
Government's cause occurred in the Centre party and among the Liberals,
or Radicals--a name now more befitting. As the election proceeded, it
became more and more evident that the opposition was losing and the
Government gaining ground.
[Sidenote: 1893. THE ARMY BILL.]
The newly elected Parliament was opened on July 4th, and the Army bill,
in a slightly modified form, was passed without delay after the third
reading by a majority of sixteen out of three hundred and eighty-six
votes. Small as this majority seems, it was a decided victory for the
Government, since the latter had abstained throughout the elections from
influencing them in any way. The ultimate passage of the bill, however,
leaves the implied financial problem still unsolved. The outlook is not
cheerful. Although an objective view of recent events is out of the
question, there is room for doubting that the future of Germany will be
tranquil. Owing to the general depression in industrial and agricultural
fields, the financial question is sure to engender bitterness and
strife. Nor is there any encouragement to be gained when we consider the
numerous factions into which the parliamentary representation of the
Empire is divided at the present time. What with the proportionately
large gain of the Social-Democrats during the late elections, the
numerically powerful Centrists acting in the interest of Roman
Catholicism, the Particularists asserting themselves again, and the
Anti-Semites with their socialistic affinities, it would seem inevitable
that great struggles are yet to come. But we might hopefully say that
Germany, in the evolution of her national growth, is just now passing
through a trying period of change, the mists of which will be swept away
in time, when by a clearer apprehension of parliamentary life and
practice, and the exercise of a more concentrated patriotism, she will
be strong, indeed, in freedom and in Unity.