Hermann The First German Leader
(9--21 A. D.)
The Cherusci. --Hermann's Early Life. --His Return to Germany. --Enmity
of Segestes. --Secret Union of the Tribes. --The Revolt.
--Destruction of Varus and his Legions. --Terror in Rome. --The
Battle-Field and Monument. --Dissensions. --First March of
Germanicus. --Second March and Battle with Hermann. --Defeat of
Caecina. --Third Expedition of Germanicus. --Battles on th
Weser.
--His Retreat. --Views of Tiberius. --War between Hermann and
Marbod. --Murder of Hermann. --His Character. --Tacitus.
[Sidenote: 9 A. D. HERMANN.]
The Cherusci, who inhabited a part of the land between the Weser and the
Elbe, including the Hartz Mountains, were the most powerful of the
tribes conquered by Tiberius. They had no permanent class of nobles, as
none of the early Germans seem to have had, but certain families were
distinguished for their abilities and their character, or the services
which they had rendered to their people in war. The head of one of these
Cheruscan families was Segimar, one of whose sons was named Hermann. The
latter entered the Roman service as a youth, distinguished himself by
his military talent, was made a Roman knight, and commanded one of the
legions which were employed by Augustus in suppressing the great
insurrection of the Dalmatians and Pannonians. It seems probable that he
visited Rome at the period of its highest power and splendor: it is
certain, at least, that he comprehended the political system by means of
which the Empire had become so great.
When Hermann returned to his people, he was a man of twenty-five and
already an experienced commander. He is described by the Latin writers
as a chief of fine personal presence, great strength, an animated
countenance and bright eyes. He was always self-possessed, quick in
action, yet never rash or heedless. He found the Cherusci and all the
neighboring tribes filled with hate of the Roman rule and burning to
revenge the injuries they had suffered. His first movement was to
organize a secret conspiracy among the tribes, which could be called
into action as soon as a fortunate opportunity should arrive. Varus was
then--A. D. 9--encamped near the Weser, in the land of the Saxons, with
an army of 40,000 men, the best of the Roman legions. Hermann was still
in the Roman service, and held a command under him. But among the other
Germans in the Roman camp was Segestes, a chief of the Cherusci, whose
daughter, Thusnelda, Hermann had stolen away from him and married.
Thusnelda was afterwards celebrated in the German legends as a
high-hearted, patriotic woman, who was devotedly attached to Hermann:
but her father, Segestes, became his bitterest enemy.
[Sidenote: 9 A. D.]
In engaging the different tribes to unite, Hermann had great
difficulties to overcome. They were not only jealous of each other,
remembering ancient quarrels between themselves, but many families in
each tribe were disposed to submit to Rome, being either hopeless of
succeeding or tempted by the chance of office and wealth under the Roman
Government. Hermann's own brother, Flavus, had become, and always
remained, a Roman; other members of his family were opposed to his
undertaking, and it seems that only his mother and his wife encouraged
him with their sympathy. Nevertheless, he formed his plans with as much
skill as boldness, while serving in the army of Varus and liable to be
betrayed at any moment. In fact he was betrayed by his father-in-law,
Segestes, who became acquainted with the fact of a conspiracy and
communicated the news to the Roman general. But Varus, haughty and
self-confident, laughed at the story.
It was time to act; and, as no opportunity came Hermann created one. He
caused messengers to come to Varus, declaring that a dangerous
insurrection had broken out in the lands between him and the Rhine. This
was in the month of September, and Varus, believing the reports, broke
up his camp and set out to suppress the insurrection before the winter.
His nearest way led through the wooded, mountainous country along the
Weser, which is now called the Teutoburger Forest. According to one
account, Hermann was left behind to collect the auxiliary German troops,
and then, with them, rejoin his general. It is certain that he remained,
and instantly sent his messengers to all the tribes engaged in the
conspiracy, whose warriors came to him with all speed. In a few days he
had an army probably equal in numbers to that of Varus. In the meantime
the season had changed: violent autumn storms burst over the land, and
the Romans slowly advanced through the forests and mountain-passes, in
the wind and rain.
[Sidenote: 9 A. D. HERMANN'S CONSPIRACY.]
Hermann knew the ground and was able to choose the best point of attack.
With his army, hastily organized, he burst upon the legions of Varus,
who resisted him, the first day, with their accustomed valor. But the
attack was renewed the second day, and the endurance of the Roman troops
began to give way: they held their ground with difficulty, but exerted
themselves to the utmost, for there was now only one mountain ridge to
be passed. Beyond it lay the broad plains of Westphalia, with fortresses
and military roads, where they had better chances of defence. When the
third day dawned, the storm was fiercer than ever. The Roman army
crossed the summit of the last ridge and saw the securer plains before
them. They commenced descending the long slope, but, just as they
reached three steep, wooded ravines which were still to be traversed,
the Germans swept down upon them from the summits, like a torrent, with
shouts and far-sounding songs of battle.
A complete panic seized the exhausted and disheartened Roman troops, and
the fight soon became a slaughter. Varus, wounded, threw himself upon
his sword: the wooded passes, below, were occupied in advance by the
Germans, and hardly enough escaped to carry the news of the terrible
defeat to the Roman frontier on the Rhine. Those who escaped death were
sacrificed upon the altars of the gods, and the fiercest revenge was
visited upon the Roman judges, lawyers and civil officers, who had
trampled upon all the hallowed laws and customs of the people. The news
of this great German victory reached Rome in the midst of the rejoicings
over the suppression of the insurrection in Dalmatia and Pannonia, and
turned the triumph into mourning. The aged Augustus feared the overthrow
of his power. He was unable to comprehend such a sudden and terrible
disaster: he let his hair and beard grow for months, as a sign of his
trouble, and was often heard to cry aloud: "O, Varus, Varus, give me
back my legions!"
The location of the battle-field where Hermann defeated Varus has been
preserved by tradition. The long southern slope of the mountain, near
Detmold, now bare, but surrounded by forests, is called to this day the
Winfield. Around the summit of the mountain there is a ring of huge
stones, showing that it was originally consecrated to the worship of the
ancient pagan deities. Here a pedestal of granite, in the form of a
temple, has been built, and upon it has been placed a colossal statue of
Hermann in bronze, 90 feet high, and visible at a distance of fifty
miles.
[Sidenote: 14 A. D.]
Hermann's deeds were afterwards celebrated in the songs of his people,
as they have been in modern German literature; but, like many other
great men, the best results of his victory were cast away by the people
whom he had liberated. It was now possible to organize into a nation the
tribes which had united to overthrow the Romans, and such seems to have
been his intention. He sent the head of Varus to Marbod, Chief of the
Marcomanni, whose power he had secured by carrying out his original
design; but he failed to secure the friendship, or even the neutrality,
of the rival leader. At home his own family--bitterest among them all
his father-in-law, Segestes--opposed his plans, and the Cherusci were
soon divided into two parties,--that of the people, headed by Hermann,
and that of the nobility, headed by Segestes.
When Tiberius, therefore, hastily collected a new army and marched into
Germany the following year, he encountered no serious opposition. The
union of the tribes had been dissolved, and each avoided an encounter
with the Romans. The country was apparently subjugated for the second
time. The Emperor Augustus died, A. D. 14: Tiberius succeeded to the
purple, and the command in Germany then devolved upon his nephew,
Germanicus, the son of Drusus.
The new commander, however, was detained in Gaul by insubordination in
the army and signs of a revolt among the people, following the death of
Augustus, and he did not reach Germany until six years after the defeat
of Varus. His march was sudden and swift, and took the people by
surprise, for the apparent indifference of Rome had made them careless.
The Marsi were all assembled at one of their religious festivals,
unprepared for defence, in a consecrated pine forest, when Germanicus
fell upon them and slaughtered the greater number, after which he
destroyed the sacred trees. The news of this outrage roused the sluggish
spirit of all the neighboring tribes: they gathered together in such
numbers that Germanicus had much difficulty in fighting his way back to
the Rhine.
[Sidenote: 15 A. D. THE INVASION OF GERMANICUS.]
Hermann succeeded in escaping from his father-in-law, by whom he had
been captured and imprisoned, and began to form a new union of the
tribes. His first design was to release his wife, Thusnelda, from the
hands of Segestes, and then destroy the authority of the latter, who was
the head of the faction friendly to Rome. Germanicus re-entered Germany
the following summer, A. D. 15, with a powerful army, and to him
Segestes appealed for help against his own countrymen. The Romans
marched at once into the land of the Cherusci. After a few days they
reached the scene of the defeat of Varus, and there they halted to bury
the thousands of skeletons which lay wasting on the mountainside. Then
they met Segestes, who gave up his own daughter, Thusnelda, to
Germanicus, as a captive.
The loss of his wife roused Hermann to fury. He went hither and thither
among the tribes, stirring the hearts of all with his fiery addresses.
Germanicus soon perceived that a storm was gathering, and prepared to
meet it. He divided his army into two parts, one of which was commanded
by Caecina, and built a large fleet which transported one-half of his
troops by sea and up the Weser. After joining Caecina, he marched into
the Teutoburger Forest. Hermann met him near the scene of his great
victory over Varus, and a fierce battle was fought. According to the
Romans, neither side obtained any advantage over the other; but
Germanicus, with half the army, fell back upon his fleet and returned to
the Rhine by way of the North Sea.
Caecina, with the remnant of his four legions, also retreated across the
country, pursued by Hermann. In the dark forests and on the marshy
plains they were exposed to constant assaults, and were obliged to fight
every step of the way. Finally, in a marshy valley, the site of which
cannot be discovered, the Germans suddenly attacked the Romans on all
sides. Hermann cried out to his soldiers: "It shall be another day of
Varus!" the songs of the women prophesied triumph, and the Romans were
filled with forebodings of defeat. They fought desperately, but were
forced to yield, and Hermann's words would have been made truth, had not
the Germans ceased fighting in order to plunder the camp of their
enemies. The latter were thus able to cut their way out of the valley
and hastily fortify themselves for the night on an adjoining plain.
[Sidenote: 15 A. D.]
The German chiefs held a council of war, and decided, against the
remonstrances of Hermann, to renew the attack at daybreak. This was
precisely what Caecina expected; he knew what fate awaited them all if he
should fail, and arranged his weakened forces to meet the assault. They
fought with such desperation that the Germans were defeated, and Caecina
was enabled, by forced marches, to reach the Rhine, whither the rumor of
the entire destruction of his army had preceded him. The voyage of
Germanicus was also unfortunate: he encountered a violent storm on the
coast of Holland, and two of his legions barely escaped destruction. He
had nothing to show, as the result of his campaign, except his captive
Thusnelda and her son, who walked behind his triumphal chariot, in Rome,
three years afterwards, and never again saw their native land; and his
ally, the traitor Segestes, who ended his contemptible life somewhere in
Gaul, under Roman protection.
Germanicus, nevertheless, determined not to rest until he had completed
the subjugation of the country as far as the Elbe. By employing all the
means at his command he raised a new army of eight legions, with a great
body of cavalry, and a number of auxiliary troops, formed of Gauls,
Rhaetians, and even of Germans. He collected a fleet of more than a
thousand vessels, and transported his army to the mouth of the Ems,
where he landed and commenced the campaign. The Chauci, living near the
sea, submitted at once, and some of the neighboring tribes were disposed
to follow their example; but Hermann, with a large force of the united
Germans, waited for the Romans among the mountains of the Weser.
Germanicus entered the mountains by a gorge, near where the city of
Minden now stands, and the two armies faced each other, separated only
by the river. The legends state that Hermann and his brother Flavus, who
was still in the service of Germanicus, held an angry conversation from
the opposite shores, and the latter became so exasperated that he
endeavored to cross on horseback and attack Hermann.
Germanicus first sent his cavalry across the Weser, and then built a
bridge, over which his whole army crossed. The Romans and Germans then
met in battle, upon a narrow place between the river and some wooded
hills, called the Meadow of the Elves. The fight was long and bloody:
Hermann himself, severely wounded, was at one time almost in the hands
of the Romans. It is said that his face was so covered with blood that
he was only recognized by some of the German soldiers on the Roman side,
who purposely allowed him to escape. The superior military skill of
Germanicus, and the discipline of his troops, won the day: the Germans
retreated, beaten but not yet subdued.
[Sidenote: 16 A. D. END OF THE INVASION.]
In a short time the latter were so far recruited that they brought on a
second battle. On account of his wounds, Hermann was unable to command
in person, but his uncle, Ingiomar, who took his place, imitated his
boldness and bravery. The fight was even more fierce than the first had
been, and the Romans, at one time, were only prevented from giving way
by Germanicus placing himself at their head, in the thick of the battle.
It appears that both sides held their ground at the close, and their
losses were probably equally great, so that neither was in a condition
to continue the struggle.
Germanicus erected a monument on the banks of the Weser, claiming that
he had conquered Germany to the Elbe; but before the end of the summer
of the year 16 he re-embarked with his army, without leaving any tokens
of Roman authority behind him. A terrible storm on the North Sea so
scattered his fleet that many vessels were driven to the English coast:
his own ship was in such danger that he landed among the Chauci and
returned across the country to the Rhine. The autumn was far advanced
before the scattered remnants of his great army could be collected and
reorganized: then, in spite of the lateness of the season, he made a new
invasion into the lands of the Chatti, or Hessians, in order to show
that he was still powerful.
Germanicus was a man of great ambition and of astonishing energy. As
Julius Caesar had made Gaul Roman, so he determined to make Germany
Roman. He began his preparations for another expedition the following
summer; but the Emperor Tiberius, jealous of his increasing renown,
recalled him to Rome, saying that it was better to let the German tribes
exhaust themselves in their own internal discords, than to waste so many
of the best legions in subduing them. Germanicus obeyed, returned to
Rome, had his grand triumph, and was then sent to the East, where he
shortly afterwards died, it was supposed by poison.
[Sidenote: 19 A. D.]
The words of the shrewd Emperor were true: two rival powers had been
developed in Germany through the resistance to Rome, and they soon came
into conflict. Marbod, Chief of the Marcomanni and many allied tribes,
had maintained his position without war; but Hermann, now the recognized
head of the Cherusci and their confederates, who had destroyed Varus and
held Germanicus at bay, possessed a popularity, founded on his heroism,
which spread far and wide through the German land. Even at that early
day, the small chiefs in each tribe (corresponding to the later
nobility) were opposed to the broad, patriotic union which Hermann had
established, because it weakened their power and increased that of the
people. They were also jealous of his great authority and influence, and
even his uncle, Ingiomar, who had led so bravely the last battle against
Germanicus, went over to the side of Marbod when it became evident that
the rivalry of the two chiefs must lead to war.
Our account of these events is obscure and imperfect. On the one side,
it seems that Marbod's neutrality was a ground of complaint with
Hermann; while Marbod declared that the latter had no right to draw the
Semnones and Longobards--at first allied with the Marcomanni--into union
with the Cherusci against Rome. In the year 19 the two marched against
each other, and a great battle took place. Although neither was
victorious, the popularity of Hermann drew so many of Marbod's allies to
his side, that the latter fled to Italy and claimed the protection of
Tiberius, who assigned to him Ravenna as a residence. He died there in
the year 37, at a very advanced age. A Goth, named Catwalda, assisted by
Roman influence, became his successor as chief of the Marcomanni.
[Sidenote: 21 A. D. DEATH OF HERMANN.]
After the flight of Marbod, Hermann seems to have devoted himself to the
creation of a permanent union of the tribes which he had commanded. We
may guess, but can not assert, that his object was to establish a
national organization, like that of Rome, and in doing this, he must
have come into conflict with laws and customs which were considered
sacred by the people. But his remaining days were too few for even the
beginning of a task which included such an advance in the civilization
of the race. We only know that he was waylaid and assassinated by
members of his own family in the year 21. He was then thirty-seven years
old, and had been for thirteen years a leader of his people. The best
monument to his ability and heroism may be found in the words of a
Roman, the historian Tacitus; who says: "He was undoubtedly the
liberator of Germany, having dared to grapple with the Roman power, not
in its beginnings, like other kings and commanders, but in the maturity
of its strength. He was not always victorious in battle, but in war he
was never subdued. He still lives in the songs of the Barbarians,
unknown to the annals of the Greeks, who only admire that which belongs
to themselves--nor celebrated as he deserves by the Romans, who, in
praising the olden times, neglect the events of the later years."