The Frank Emperors To The Death Of Henry Iv
(1024--1106.)
Konrad II. elected Emperor. --Movements against him. --Journey to
Italy. --Revolt of Ernest of Suabia. --Burgundy attached to the
Empire. --Siege of Milan. --Konrad's Death. --Henry III. succeeds.
--Temporary Peace. --Corruptions in the Church. --The "Truce of
God." --Henry III.'s Coronation in Rome. --Rival Popes. --New
Troubles in Germany. --Second Visit to Italy. --Ret
rn and Death.
--Henry IV.'s Childhood. --His Capture. --Archbishops Hanno and
Adalbert. --Henry IV. begins to reign. --Revolt and Slaughter of
the Saxons. --Pope Gregory VII. --His Character and Policy. --Henry
IV. excommunicated. --Movement against him. --He goes to Italy.
--His Humiliation at Canossa. --War with Rudolf of Suabia. --Henry
IV. besieges Rome. --Death of Gregory VII. --Rebellions of Henry
IV.'s Sons. --His Capture, Abdication and Death. --The First
Crusade.
[Sidenote: 1024.]
On the 4th of September, 1024, the German nobles, clergy and people came
together on the banks of the Rhine, near Mayence, to elect a new
Emperor. There were fifty or sixty thousand persons in all, forming two
great camps: on the western bank of the river were the Lorrainese and
the Rhine-Franks, on the eastern bank the Saxons, Suabians, Bavarians
and German-Franks. There were two prominent candidates for the throne,
but neither of them belonged to the established reigning houses, the
members of which seemed to be so jealous of one another that they
mutually destroyed their own chances. The two who were brought forward
were cousins, both named Konrad, and both great-grandsons of Duke
Konrad, Otto the Great's son-in-law, who fell so gallantly in the great
battle with the Hungarians, in 955.
For five days the claims of the two were canvassed by the electors. The
elder Konrad had married Gisela, the widow of Duke Ernest of Suabia,
which gave him a somewhat higher place among the princes; and therefore
after the cousins had agreed that either would accept the other's
election as valid and final, the votes turned to his side. The people,
who were present merely as spectators (for they had now no longer any
part in the election), hailed the new monarch with shouts of joy, and he
was immediately crowned king of Germany in the Cathedral of Mayence.
Twelfth Century]
[Sidenote: 1024.]
Konrad--who was Konrad II. in the list of German Emperors--had no
subjects of his own to support him, like his Saxon predecessors: his
authority rested upon his own experience, ability and knowledge of
statesmanship. But his queen, Gisela, was a woman of unusual
intelligence and energy, and she faithfully assisted him in his duties.
He was a man of stately and commanding appearance, and seemed so well
fitted for his new dignity that when he made the usual journey through
Germany, neither Dukes nor people hesitated to give him their
allegiance. Even the nobles of Lorraine, who were dissatisfied with his
election, found it prudent to yield without serious opposition.
The death of Henry II., nevertheless, was the signal for three
threatening movements against the Empire. In Italy the Lombards rose,
and, in their hatred of what they now considered to be a foreign rule
(quite forgetting their own German origin), they razed to the ground the
Imperial palace at Pavia: in Burgundy, king Rudolf declared that he
would resist Konrad's claim to the sovereignty of the country, which,
being himself childless, he had promised to Henry II.; and in Poland,
Boleslaw, who now called himself king, declared that his former treaties
with Germany were no longer binding upon him. But Konrad II. was favored
by fortune. The Polish king died, and the power which he had built
up--for his kingdom, like that of the Goths, reached from the Baltic to
the Danube, from the Elbe to Central Russia--was again shattered by the
quarrels of his sons. In Burgundy, Duke Rudolf was without heirs, and
finally found himself compelled to recognize the German sovereign as his
successor. With Canute, who was then king of Denmark and England, Konrad
II. made a treaty of peace and friendship, restoring Schleswig to the
Danish crown, and re-adopting the river Eider as the boundary.
In the spring of 1026, Konrad went to Italy. Pavia shut her gates
against him, but those of Milan were opened, and the Lombard Bishops and
nobles came to offer him homage. He was crowned with the iron crown, and
during the course of the year, all the cities in Northern Italy--even
Pavia, which promised to rebuild the Imperial palace--acknowledged his
sway. In March, 1027, he went to Rome and was crowned Emperor by the
Pope, John XIX., one of the young Counts of Tusculum, who had succeeded
to the Papacy as a boy of twelve! King Canute and Rudolf of Burgundy
were present at the ceremony, and Konrad betrothed his son Henry to the
Danish princess Gunhilde, daughter of the former.
[Sidenote: 1027. KONRAD II.'S VISIT TO ITALY.]
After the coronation, the Emperor paid a rapid visit to Southern Italy,
where the Normans had secured a foothold ten years before, and, by
defending the country against the Greeks and Saracens, were rapidly
making themselves its rulers. He found it easier to accept them as
vassals than to drive them out, but in so doing he added a new and
turbulent element to those which already distracted Italy. However,
there was now external quiet, at least, and he went back to Germany.
Here his step-son, Ernest II. of Suabia, who claimed the crown of
Burgundy, had already risen in rebellion against him. He was not
supported even by his own people, and the Emperor imprisoned him in a
strong fortress until the Empress Gisela, by her prayers, procured his
liberation. Konrad offered to give him back his Dukedom, provided he
would capture and deliver up his intimate friend, Count Werner of
Kyburg, who was supposed to exercise an evil influence over him. Ernest
refused, sought his friend, and the two after living for some time as
outlaws in the Black Forest, at last fell in a conflict with the
Imperial troops. The sympathies of the people were turned to the young
Duke by his hard fate and tragic death, and during the Middle Ages the
narrative poem of "Ernest of Suabia" was sung everywhere throughout
Germany.
Konrad II. next undertook a campaign against Poland, which was wholly
unsuccessful: he was driven back to the Elbe with great losses. Before
he could renew the war, he was called upon to assist Count Albert of
Austria (as the Bavarian "East-Mark" along the Danube must henceforth be
called) in a war against Stephen, the first Christian king of Hungary.
The result was a treaty of peace, which left him free to march once more
against Poland and reconquer the provinces which Henry II. had granted
to Boleslaw. The remaining task of his reign, the attachment of Burgundy
to the German Empire, was also accomplished without any great
difficulty. King Rudolf, before his death in 1032, sent his crown and
sceptre to Konrad II., in fulfilment of a promise made when they met at
Rome, six years before. Although Count Odo of Champagne, Rudolf's
nearest relative, disputed the succession, and all southern Burgundy
espoused his cause, he was unable to resist the Emperor. The latter was
crowned King of Burgundy at Payerne, in Switzerland, and two years later
received the homage of nearly all the clergy and nobles of the country
in Lyons.
[Sidenote: 1037.]
At that time Burgundy comprised the whole valley of the Rhone, from its
cradle in the Alps to the Mediterranean, the half of Switzerland, the
cities of Dijon and Besancon and the territory surrounding them. All
this now became, and for some centuries remained, a part of the German
Empire. Its relation to the latter, however, resembled that of the
Lombard Kingdom in Italy: its subjection was acknowledged, it was
obliged to furnish troops in special emergencies, but it preserved its
own institutions and laws, and repelled any closer political union. The
continual intercourse of its people with those of France slowly
obliterated the original differences between them, and increased the
hostility of the Burgundians to the German sway. But the rulers of that
day were not wise enough to see very far in advance, and the sovereignty
of Burgundy was temporarily a gain to the German power.
Early in 1037 Konrad was called again to Italy by complaints of the
despotic rule of the local governors, especially of the Archbishop
Heribert of Milan. This prelate resisted his authority, incited the
people of Milan to support his pretensions, and became, in a short time,
the leader of a serious revolt. The Emperor deposed him, prevailed upon
the Pope, Benedict IX., to place him under the ban of the Church, and
besieged Milan with all his forces; but in vain. The Bishop defied both
Emperor and Pope; the city was too strongly fortified to be taken, and
out of this resistance grew the idea of independence which was
afterwards developed in the Italian Republics, until the latter
weakened, wasted, and finally destroyed the authority of the German (or
"Roman") Emperors in Italy. Konrad was obliged to return home without
having conquered Archbishop Heribert and the Milanese.
In the spring of 1039 he died suddenly at Utrecht, aged sixty, and was
buried in the Cathedral at Speyer, which he had begun to build. He was a
very shrewd and intelligent ruler, who planned better than he was able
to perform. He certainly greatly increased the Imperial power during
his life, by recognizing the hereditary rights of the smaller princes,
and replacing the chief reigning Dukes, whenever circumstances rendered
it possible, by members of his own family. As the selection of the
bishops and archbishops remained in his hands, the clergy were of course
his immediate dependents. It was their interest, as well as that of the
common people among whom knowledge and the arts were beginning to take
root, that peace should be preserved between the different German
States, and this could only be done by making the Emperor's authority
paramount. Nevertheless, Konrad II. was never popular: a historian of
the times says "no one sighed when his sudden death was announced."
[Sidenote: 1039. HENRY III.]
His son, Henry III., already crowned King of Germany as a boy, now
mounted the throne. He was twenty-three years old, distinguished for
bodily as well as mental qualities, and was apparently far more
competent to rule than many of his predecessors had been. Germany was
quiet, and he encountered no opposition. The first five years of his
reign brought him wars with Bohemia and Hungary, but in both, in spite
of some reverses at the beginning, he was successful. Bohemia was
reduced to obedience; a part of the Hungarian territory was annexed to
Austria, and the king, Peter, as well as Duke Casimir of Poland,
acknowledged themselves dependents of the German Empire. The Czar of
Muscovy (as Russia was then called) offered Henry, after the death of
Queen Gunhilde, a princess of his family as a wife; but he declined, and
selected, instead, Agnes of Poitiers, sister of the Duke of Aquitaine.
But, although the condition of Germany, and, indeed, of the greater part
of Europe, was now more settled and peaceful than it had been for a long
time, the consequences of the previous wars and disturbances were very
severely felt. The land had been visited both by pestilence and famine,
and there was much suffering; there was also notorious corruption in the
Church and in civil government; the demoralization of the Popes,
followed by that of the Romans, and then of the Italians, had spread
like an infection over all Christendom. When things seemed to be at
their worst, a change for the better was instituted in a most unexpected
quarter and in a very singular manner.
[Sidenote: 1040.]
In the monastery of Cluny, in Burgundy, the monks, under the leadership
of their Abbot, Odilo, determined to introduce a sterner, a more pious
and Christian spirit into the life of the age. They began to preach what
they called the treuga Dei, the "truce" or "peace of God," according
to which, from every Wednesday evening until the next Monday morning,
all feuds or fights were forbidden throughout the land. Several hundred
monasteries in France and Burgundy joined the "Congregation of Cluny";
the Church accepted the idea of the "peace of God," and the worldly
rulers were called upon to enforce it. Henry III. saw in this new
movement an agent which might be used to his own advantage no less than
for the general good, and he favored it as far as lay in his power. He
summoned a Diet of the German princes, urged the measure upon them in an
eloquent speech, and set the example by proclaiming a full and free
pardon to all who had been his enemies. The change was too sudden to be
acceptable to many of the princes, but they obeyed as far as convenient,
and the German people, almost for the first time in their history,
enjoyed a general peace and security.
The "Congregation of Cluny" preached also against the universal simony,
by which all clerical dignities were bought and sold. Priests, abbots,
bishops, and even in some cases, Popes, were accustomed to buy their
appointment, and the power of the Church was thus often exercised by the
most unworthy hands. Henry III. saw the necessity of a reform; he sought
out the most pious, pure and intelligent priests, and made them abbots
and bishops, refusing all payments or presents. He then undertook to
raise the Papal power out of the deplorable condition into which it had
fallen. There were then three rival Popes in Rome, each of whom
officially excommunicated and cursed the others and their followers.
In the summer of 1046, Henry III. crossed the Alps with a magnificent
retinue. The quarrels between the nobles and the people, in the cities
of Lombardy, were compromised at his approach, and he found order and
submission everywhere. He called a Synod, which was held at Sutri, an
old Etruscan town, 30 miles north of Rome, and there, with the consent
of the Bishops, deposed all three of the Popes, appointing the Bishop of
Bamberg to the vacant office. The latter took the Papal chair under the
name of Clement II., and the very same day crowned Henry III. as Roman
Emperor. To the Roman people this seemed no less a bargain than the
case of Otto III., and they grew more than ever impatient of the rule of
both Emperor and Pope. Their republican instincts, although repressed by
a fierce and powerful nobility, were kept alive by the examples of
Venice and Milan, and they dreamed as ardently of a free Rome in the
twelfth century as in the nineteenth.
[Sidenote: 1046. APPOINTMENT OF POPES.]
Up to this time the Roman clergy and people had taken part, so far as
the mere forms were concerned, in the election of the Popes. They were
now compelled (of course very unwillingly) to give up this ancient
right, and allow the Emperor to choose the candidate, who was then sure
to be elected by Bishops of Imperial appointment. In fact, during the
nine remaining years of Henry III.'s reign, he selected three other
Popes, Clement II. and his first two successors having all died
suddenly, probably from poison, after very short reigns. But this was
the end of absolute German authority and Roman submission: within thirty
years the Christian world beheld a spectacle of a totally opposite
character.
Henry III. visited Southern Italy, confirmed the Normans in their rule,
as his father had done, and then returned to Germany. He had reached the
climax of his power, and the very means he had taken to secure it now
involved him in troubles which gradually weakened his influence in
Germany. He was generous, but improvident and reckless: he bestowed
principalities on personal friends, regardless of hereditary claims or
the wishes of the people, and gave away large sums of money, which were
raised by imposing hard terms upon the tenants of the crown-lands. A new
war with Hungary, and the combined revolt of Godfrey of Lorraine,
Baldwin of Flanders and Dietrich of Holland against him, diminished his
military resources; and even his success, at the end of four weary
years, did not add to his renown. Leo IX., the third Pope of his
appointment, was called upon to assist him by hurling the ban of the
Church against the rebellious princes. He also called to his assistance
Danish and English fleets which assailed Holland and Flanders, while he
subdued Godfrey of Lorraine. The latter soon afterwards married the
widowed Countess Beatrix of Tuscany, and thus became ruler of nearly all
Italy between the Po and the Tiber.
By the year 1051, all the German States except Saxony were governed by
relatives or personal friends of the Emperor. In order to counteract
the power of Bernhard, Duke of the Saxons, of whom he was jealous, he
made another friend, Adalbert, Archbishop of Bremen, with authority over
priests and churches in Northern Germany, Denmark, Scandinavia and even
Iceland. He also built a stately palace at Goslar, at the foot of the
Hartz Mountains, and made it as often as possible his residence, in
order to watch the Saxons. Both these measures, however, increased his
unpopularity with the German people.
[Sidenote: 1054.]
Leo IX., in 1054, marched against the Normans who were threatening the
southern border of the Roman territory, but was defeated and taken
prisoner. The victors treated him with all possible reverence, and he
soon saw the policy of making friends of such a bold and warlike people.
A treaty of peace was concluded, wherein the Normans acknowledged
themselves dependents of the Papal power: no notice was taken of the
fact that they had already acknowledged that of the German-Roman
Emperors. This event, and the increasing authority of his old enemy,
Godfrey, in Tuscany, led Henry III. to visit Italy again in 1055.
Although he held the Diet of Lombardy and a grand review on the
Roncalian plains near Piacenza, he accomplished nothing by his journey:
he did not even visit Rome. Leo IX. died the same year, and Henry
appointed a new Pope, Victor II., who, like his predecessor, became an
instrument in the hands of Hildebrand of Savona, a monk of Cluny, who
was even then, although few suspected it, the real head and ruler of the
Christian world.
The Emperor discovered that a plot had been formed to assassinate him on
his way to Germany. This danger over, he had an interview with king
Henri of France, which became so violent that he challenged the latter
to single combat. Henri avoided the issue by marching away during the
following night. The Emperor retired to his palace at Goslar, in
October, 1056, where he received a visit from Pope Victor II. He was
broken in health and hopes, and the news of a defeat of his army by the
Slavonians in Prussia is supposed to have hastened his end. He died
during the month, not yet forty years old, leaving a boy of six as his
successor.
[Sidenote: 1062. HENRY IV.]
The child, Henry IV., had already been crowned King of Germany, and his
mother, the Empress Agnes, was chosen regent during his minority. The
Bishop of Augsburg was her adviser, and her first acts were those of
prudence and reconciliation. Peace was concluded with Godfrey of
Lorraine and Baldwin of Flanders, minor troubles in the States were
quieted, and the Empire enjoyed the promise of peace. But the Empress,
who was a woman of a weak, yielding nature, was soon led to make
appointments which created fresh troubles. The reigning princes used the
opportunity to make themselves more independent, and their mutual
jealousy and hostility increased in proportion as they became stronger.
The nobles and people of Rome renewed their attempt to have a share in
the choice of a Pope; and, although the appointment was finally left to
the Empress, the Pope of her selection, Nicholas II., instead of being
subservient to the interests of the German Empire, allied himself with
the Normans and with the republican party in the cities of Lombardy.
At home, the troubles of the Empress Agnes increased year by year. A
conspiracy to murder the young Henry IV. was fortunately discovered;
then a second, at the head of which was the Archbishop Hanno of Cologne,
was formed to take him from his mother's care and give him into stronger
hands. In 1062, when Henry IV. was twelve years old, Hanno visited the
Empress at Kaiserswerth, on the Rhine. After a splendid banquet, he
invited the young king to look at his vessel, which lay near the palace;
but no sooner had the latter stepped upon the deck, than the
conspirators seized their oars and pushed into the stream. Henry boldly
sprang into the water; Count Ekbert of Brunswick sprang after him, and
both, after nearly drowning in their struggle, were taken on board. The
Empress stood on the shore, crying for help, and her people sought to
intercept the vessel, but in vain: the plot was successful. A meeting of
reigning princes, soon afterwards, appointed Archbishop Hanno guardian
of the young king.
He was a hard, stern master, and Henry IV. became his enemy for life.
Within a year, Hanno was obliged to yield his place to Adalbert,
Archbishop of Bremen, who was as much too indulgent as the former had
been too rigid. The jealousy of the other priests and princes was now
turned against Adalbert, and his position became so difficult that in
1065, when Henry IV. was only fifteen years old, he presented him to an
Imperial Diet, held at Worms, and there invested him with the sword,
the token of manhood. Thenceforth Henry reigned in his own name,
although Adalbert's guardianship was not given up until a year later.
Then he was driven away by a union of the other Bishops and the reigning
princes, and his rival, Hanno, was forced, as chief counsellor, upon the
angry and unwilling king.
[Sidenote: 1066.]
The next year Henry was married to the Italian princess, Bertha, to whom
his father had betrothed him as a child. Before three years had elapsed,
he demanded to be divorced from her; but, although the Archbishop of
Mayence and the Imperial Diet were persuaded to consent, the Pope,
Alexander II., following the advice of his Chancellor, Hildebrand of
Savona, refused his sanction. Henry finally decided to take back his
wife, whose beauty, patience and forgiving nature compelled him to love
her at last. About the same time, his father's enemy and his own,
Godfrey of Lorraine and Tuscany, died; another enemy, Otto, Duke of
Bavaria, fell into his hands, and was deposed; and there only remained
Magnus, Duke of the Saxons, who seemed hostile to his authority. The
events of Henry's youth and the character of his education made him
impatient and mistrustful: he inherited the pride and arbitrary will of
his father and grandfather, without their prudence: he surrounded
himself with wild and reckless princes of his own age, whose counsels
too often influenced his policy.
No Frank Emperor could be popular with the fierce, independent Saxons;
but when it was rumored that Henry IV. had sought an alliance with the
Danish king, Swen, against them,--when he called upon them, at the same
time, to march against Poland,--their suspicions were aroused, and the
whole population rose in opposition. To the number of 60,000, headed by
Otto, the deposed Duke of Bavaria (who was a Saxon noble), they marched
to the Harzburg, the Imperial castle near Goslar. Henry rejected their
conditions: the castle was besieged, and he escaped with difficulty,
accompanied only by a few followers. He endeavored to persuade the other
German princes to support him, but they refused. They even entered into
a conspiracy to dethrone him; the Bishops favored the plan, and his
cause seemed nearly hopeless.
In this emergency the cities along the Rhine, which were very weary of
priestly rule, and now saw a chance to strengthen themselves by
assisting the Emperor, openly befriended him. They were able, however,
to give him but little military support, and in February, 1074, he was
compelled to conclude a treaty with the Saxons, which granted them
almost everything they demanded, even to the demolition of the
fortresses he had built on their territory. But, in the flush of
victory, they also tore down the Imperial palace at Goslar, the Church,
and the sepulchre wherein Henry III. was buried. This placed them in the
wrong, and Henry IV. marched into Saxony with an immense army which he
had called together for the purpose of invading Hungary. The Saxons
armed themselves to resist, but they were attacked when unprepared,
defeated after a terrible battle, and their land laid waste with fire
and sword. Thus were again verified, a thousand years later, the words
of Tiberius--that it was not necessary to attempt the conquest of the
Germans, for, if let alone, they would destroy themselves.
[Sidenote: 1074. POPE GREGORY VII.]
The power of Henry IV. seemed now to be assured; but the lowest
humiliation which ever befell a monarch was in store for him. The monk
of Cluny, Hildebrand of Savona, who had inspired the policy of four
Popes during twenty-four years, became Pope himself in 1073, under the
name of Gregory VII. He was a man of iron will and inexhaustible energy,
wise and far-seeing beyond any of his contemporaries, and unquestionably
sincere in his aims. He remodelled the Papal office, gave it a new
character and importance, and left his own indelible mark on the Church
of Rome from that day to this. For the first five hundred years after
Christ the Pope had been merely the Bishop of Rome; for the second five
hundred years he had been the nominal head of the Church, but
subordinate to the political rulers, and dependent upon them. Gregory
VII. determined to make the office a spiritual power, above all other
powers, with sole and final authority over the bishops, priests and
other servants of the Church. It was to be a religious Empire, existing
by Divine right, independent of the fate of nations or the will of
kings.
He relied mainly upon two measures to accomplish this change,--the
suppression of simony and the celibacy of the priesthood. He determined
that the priests should belong wholly to the Church; that the human ties
of wife and children should be denied to them. This measure had been
proposed before, but never carried into effect, on account of the
opposition of the married Bishops and priests; but the increase of the
monastic orders and their greater influence at this time favored
Gregory's design. Even after celibacy was proclaimed as a law of the
Church, in 1074, it encountered the most violent opposition, and the law
was not universally obeyed by the priests until two or three centuries
later.
[Sidenote: 1075.]
In 1075, Gregory promulgated a law against simony, in which he not only
prohibited the sale of all offices of the Church, but claimed that the
Bishops could only receive the ring and crozier, the symbols of their
authority, from the hands of the Pope. The same year, he sent messengers
to Henry IV. calling upon him to enforce this law in Germany, under
penalty of excommunication. The surprise and anger of the King may
easily be imagined: it was a language which no Pope had ever before
dared to use toward the Imperial power. Indeed, when we consider that
Gregory at this time was quarrelling with the Normans, the Lombard
cities and the king of France, and that a party in Rome was becoming
hostile to his rule, the act seems almost that of a madman.
Henry IV. called a Synod, which met at Worms. The Bishops, at his
request, unanimously declared that Gregory VII. was deposed from the
Papacy, and a message was sent to the people at Rome, ordering them to
drive him from the city. But, just at that time, Gregory had put down a
conspiracy of the nobles to assassinate him, by calling the people to
his aid, and he was temporarily popular with the latter. He answered
Henry IV. with the ban of excommunication,--which would have been
harmless enough, but for the deep-seated discontent of the Germans with
the king's rule. The Saxons, whom he had treated with the greatest
harshness and indignity since their subjection, immediately found a
pretext to throw off their allegiance: the other German States showed a
cold and mistrustful temper, and their princes failed to come together
when Henry called a National Diet. In the meantime the ambassadors of
Gregory were busy, and the petty courts were filled with secret
intrigues for dethroning the king and electing a new one.
[Sidenote: 1077. THE HUMILIATION AT CANOSSA.]
In October, 1076, finally, a Convention of princes was held on the
Rhine, near Mayence. Henry was not allowed to be present, but he sent
messengers, offering to yield to their demands if they would only guard
the dignity of the crown. The princes rejected all his offers, and
finally adjourned to meet in Augsburg early in 1077, when the Pope was
asked to be present. As soon as Henry IV. learned that Gregory had
accepted the invitation, he was seized with a panic as unkingly as his
former violence. Accompanied only by a small retinue, he hastened to
Burgundy, crossed Mont Cenis in the dead of winter, encountering many
sufferings and dangers on the way, and entered Italy with the single
intention of meeting Pope Gregory and persuading him to remove the ban
of the Church.
At the news of his arrival in Lombardy, the Bishops and nobles from all
the cities flocked to his support, and demanded only that he should lead
them against the Pope. The movement was so threatening that Gregory
himself, already on his way to Germany, halted, and retired for a time
to the Castle of Canossa (in the Apennines, not far from Parma), which
belonged to his devoted friend, the Countess Matilda of Tuscany. Victory
was assured to Henry, if he had but grasped it; but he seems to have
possessed no courage except when inspired by hate. He neglected the
offered help, went to Canossa, and, presenting himself before the gate
barefoot and clad only in a shirt of sackcloth, he asked to be admitted
and pardoned as a repentant sinner. Gregory, so unexpectedly triumphant,
prolonged for three whole days the satisfaction which he enjoyed in the
king's humiliation: for three days the latter waited at the gate in snow
and rain, before he was received. Then, after promising to obey the
Pope, he received the kiss of peace, and the two took communion together
in the castle-chapel! This was the first great victory of the Papal
power: Gregory VII. paid dearly for it, but it was an event which could
not be erased from History. It has fed the pride and supported the
claims of the Roman Church, from that day to this.
Gregory had dared to excommunicate Henry, because of the political
conspirators against the latter; but he had not considered that his
pardon would change those conspirators into enemies. The indignant
Lombards turned their backs on Henry, the Bishops rejected the Pope's
offer to release them from the ban, and the strife became more fierce
and relentless than ever. In the meantime the German princes, encouraged
by the Pope, proclaimed Rudolf of Suabia King in Henry's place. The
latter, now at last supported by the Lombards, hastened back to Germany.
A terrible war ensued, which lasted for more than two years, and was
characterized by the most shocking barbarities on both sides. Gregory a
second time excommunicated the king, but without the slightest political
effect. The war terminated in 1080 by the death of Rudolf in battle, and
Henry's authority became gradually established throughout the land.
[Sidenote: 1084.]
His first movement, now, was against the Pope. He crossed the Alps with
a large army, was crowned King of Lombardy, and then marched towards
Rome. Gregory's only friend was the Countess Matilda of Tuscany, who
resisted Henry's advance until the cities of Pisa and Lucca espoused his
cause. Then he laid siege to Rome, and a long war began, during which
the ancient city suffered more than it had endured for centuries. The
end of the struggle was a devastation worse than that inflicted by
Geiserich. When Henry finally gained possession of the city, and the
Pope was besieged in the castle of St. Angelo, the latter released
Robert Guiscard, chief of the Normans in Southern Italy, from the ban of
excommunication which he had pronounced against him, and called him to
his aid. A Norman army, numbering 36,000 men, mostly Saracens,
approached Rome, and Henry was compelled to retreat. The Pope was
released, but his allies burned all the city between the Lateran and the
Coliseum, slaughtered thousands of the inhabitants, carried away
thousands as slaves, and left a desert of blood and ruin behind them.
Gregory VII. did not dare to remain in Rome after their departure: he
accompanied them to Salerno, and there died in exile, in 1085.
Henry IV. immediately appointed a new Pope, Clement III., by whom he was
crowned Emperor in St. Peter's. After Gregory's death, the Normans and
the French selected another Pope, Urban II., and until both died,
fifteen years afterwards, they and their partisans never ceased
fighting. The Emperor Henry, however, who returned to Germany
immediately alter his coronation, took little part in this quarrel. The
last twenty years of his reign were full of trouble and misfortune. His
eldest son, Konrad, who had lived mostly in Lombardy, was in 1092
persuaded to claim the crown of Italy, was acknowledged by the hostile
Pope, and allied himself with his father's enemies. For a time he was
very successful, but the movement gradually failed, and he ended his
days in prison, in 1101.
[Sidenote: 1105. TREACHERY OF HENRY IV.'S SON.]
Henry's hopes were now turned to his younger son, Henry, who was of a
cold, calculating, treacherous disposition. The political and religious
foes of the Emperor were still actively scheming for his overthrow, and
they succeeded in making the young Henry their instrument, as they had
made his brother Konrad. During the long struggles of his reign, the
Emperor's strongest and most faithful supporter had been Frederick of
Hohenstaufen, a Suabian count, to whom he had given his daughter in
marriage, and whom he finally made Duke of Suabia. The latter died in
1104, and most of the German princes, with the young Henry at their
head, arose in rebellion. For nearly a year, the country was again
desolated by a furious civil war; but the cities along the Rhine, which
were rapidly increasing in wealth and population, took the Emperor's
side, as before, and enabled him to keep the field against his son. At
last, in December, 1105, their armies lay face to face, near the river
Moselle, and an interview took place between the two. Father and son
embraced each other; tears were shed, repentance offered and pardon
given; then both set out together for Mayence, where it was agreed that
a National Diet should settle all difficulties.
On the way, however, the treacherous son persuaded his father to rest in
the Castle of Boeckelheim, there instantly shut the gates upon him and
held him prisoner until he compelled him to abdicate. But, after the
act, the Emperor succeeded in making his escape: the people rallied to
his support, and he was still unconquered when death came to end his
many troubles, in Liege, in August, 1106. He was perhaps the most
signally unfortunate of all the German Emperors. The errors of his
education, the follies and passions of his youth, the one fatal weakness
of his manhood, were gradually corrected by experience; but he could not
undo their consequences. After he had become comparatively wise and
energetic, the internal dissensions of Germany, and the conflict between
the Roman Church and the Imperial power, had grown too strong to be
suppressed by his hand. When he might have done right, he lacked either
the knowledge or the will; when he finally tried to do right, he had
lost the power.
[Sidenote: 1099.]
During the latter years of his reign occurred a great historical event,
the consequences of which were most important to Europe, though not
immediately so to Germany. Peter the Hermit preached a Crusade to the
Holy Land for the purpose of conquering Jerusalem from the Saracens.
The "Congregation of Cluny" had prepared the way for this movement: one
of the two Popes, Urban II., encouraged it, and finally Godfrey of
Bouillon (of the Ducal family of Lorraine) put himself at its head. The
soldiers of this, the First Crusade, came chiefly from France, Burgundy
and Italy. Although many of them passed through Germany on their way to
the East, they made few recruits among the people; but the success of
the undertaking, the capture of Jerusalem by Godfrey in 1099, and the
religious enthusiasm which it created, tended greatly to strengthen the
Papal power, and also that faction in the Church which was hostile to
Henry IV.