End Of The Frank Dynasty And Rise Of The Hohenstaufens
(1106--1152.)
Henry V.'s Character and Course. --The Condition of Germany. --Strife
concerning the Investiture of Bishops. --Scene in St. Peter's.
--Troubles in Germany and Italy. --The "Concordat of Worms."
--Death of Henry V. --Absence of National Feeling. --Papal
Independence. --Lothar of Saxony chosen Emperor. --His Visits to
Italy, and Death. --Konrad of Hohenstaufen succeeds. --H
s Quarrel
with Henry the Proud. --The Women of Weinsberg. --Welf (Guelph) and
Waiblinger (Ghibelline). --The Second Crusade. --March to the Holy
Land. --Konrad invited to Rome. --Arnold of Brescia. --Konrad's
Death.
[Sidenote: 1106. HENRY V. AS EMPEROR.]
Henry V. showed his true character immediately after his accession to
the throne. Although he had been previously supported by the Papal
party, he was no sooner acknowledged king of Germany than he imitated
his father in opposing the claims of the Church. The new Pope, Paschalis
II., had found it expedient to recognize the Bishops whom Henry IV. had
appointed, but at the same time he issued a manifesto declaring that all
future appointments must come from him. Henry V. answered this with a
letter of defiance, and continued to select his own Bishops and abbots,
which the Pope, not being able to resist, was obliged to suffer.
During the disturbed fifty years of Henry IV.'s reign, Burgundy and
Italy had become practically independent of Germany; Hungary and Poland
had thrown off their dependent condition, and even the Wends beyond the
Elbe were no longer loyal to the Empire. Within the German States, the
Imperial power was already so much weakened by the establishment of
hereditary Dukes and Counts, not related to the ruling family, that the
king (or Emperor) exercised very little direct authority over the
people. The crown-lands had been mostly either given away in exchange
for assistance, or lost during the civil wars; the feudal system was
firmly fastened upon the country, and only a few free cities--like those
in Italy--kept alive the ancient spirit of liberty and political
equality. Under such a system a monarch could accomplish little, unless
he was both wiser and stronger than the reigning princes under him:
there was no general national sentiment to which he could appeal. Henry
V. was cold, stern, heartless and unprincipled; but he inspired a
wholesome fear among his princely "vassals," and kept them in better
order than his father had done.
[Sidenote: 1110.]
After giving the first years of his reign to the settlement of troubles
on the frontiers of the Empire, Henry V. prepared, in 1110, for a
journey to Italy. So many followers came to him that when he had crossed
the Alps and mustered them on the plains of Piacenza, there were 30,000
knights present. With such a force, no resistance was possible: the
Lombard cities acknowledged him, Countess Matilda of Tuscany followed
their example, and the Pope found it expedient to meet him in a friendly
spirit. The latter was willing to crown Henry as Emperor, but still
claimed the right of investing the Bishops. This Henry positively
refused to grant, and, after much deliberation, the Pope finally
proposed a complete separation of Church and State,--that is, that the
lands belonging to the Bishops and abbots, or under their government,
should revert to the crown, and the priests themselves become merely
officials of the Church, without any secular power. Although the change
would have been attended with some difficulty in Germany, Henry
consented, and the long quarrel between Pope and Emperor was apparently
settled.
On the 12th of February, 1111, the king entered Rome at the head of a
magnificent procession, and was met at the gate of St. Peter's by the
Pope, who walked with him hand in hand to the platform before the high
altar. But when the latter read aloud the agreement, the Bishops raised
their voices in angry dissent. The debate lasted so long that one of the
German knights cried out: "Why so many words? Our king means to be
crowned Emperor, like Karl the Great!" The Pope refused the act of
coronation, and was immediately made prisoner. The people of Rome rose
in arms, and a terrible fight ensued. Henry narrowly escaped death in
the streets, and was compelled to encamp outside the city. At the end of
two months, the resistance both of Pope and people was crushed; he was
crowned Emperor, and Paschalis II. gave up his claim for the investiture
of the Bishops.
[Sidenote: 1122. THE CONCORDAT OF WORMS.]
Henry V. returned immediately to Germany, defeated the rebellious
Thuringians and Saxons in 1113, and the following year was married to
Matilda, daughter of Henry I. of England. This was the climax of his
power and splendor: it was soon followed by troubles with Friesland,
Cologne, Thuringia and Saxony, and in the course of two years his
authority was set at nought over nearly all Northern Germany. Only
Suabia, under his nephew, Frederick of Hohenstaufen, and Duke Welf II.
of Bavaria, remained faithful to him.
He was obliged to leave Germany in this state and hasten to Italy in
1116, on account of the death of the Countess Matilda, who had
bequeathed Tuscany to the Church, although she had previously
acknowledged the Imperial sovereignty. Henry claimed and secured
possession of her territory; he then visited Rome, the Pope leaving the
city to avoid meeting him. The latter died soon afterwards, and for a
time a new Pope, of the Emperor's own appointment, was installed in the
Vatican. The Papal party, which now included all the French Bishops,
immediately elected another, who excommunicated Henry V., but the act
was of no consequence, and was in fact overlooked by Calixtus II., who
succeeded to the Papal chair in 1118.
The same year Henry returned to Germany, and succeeded, chiefly through
the aid of Frederick of Hohenstaufen, in establishing his authority. The
quarrel with the Papal power concerning the investiture of the Bishops
was still unsettled: the new Pope, Calixtus II., who was a Burgundian
and a relation of the Emperor, remained in France, where his claims were
supported. After long delays and many preliminary negotiations, a Diet
was held at Worms in September, 1122, when the question was finally
settled. The choice of the Bishops and their investiture with the ring
and crozier were given to the Pope, but the nominations were required to
be made in the Emperor's presence, and the candidates to receive from
him their temporal power, before they were consecrated by the Church.
This arrangement is known as the Concordat of Worms. It was hailed at
the time as a fortunate settlement of a strife which had lasted for
fifty years; but it only increased the difficulty by giving the German
Bishops two masters, yet making them secretly dependent on the Pope. So
long as they retained the temporal power, they governed according to the
dictates of a foreign will, which was generally hostile to Germany. Then
began an antagonism between the Church and State, which was all the more
intense because never openly acknowledged, and which disturbs Germany
even at this day.
[Sidenote: 1125.]
Pope Calixtus II. took no notice of the ban of excommunication, but
treated with Henry V. as if it had never been pronounced. The troubles
in Northern Germany, however, were not subdued by this final peace with
Rome,--a clear evidence that the humiliation of Henry IV. was due to
political and not to religious causes. Henry V. died at Utrecht, in
Holland, in May, 1125, leaving no children, which the people believed to
be a punishment for his unnatural treatment of his father. There was no
one to mourn his death, for even his efforts to increase the Imperial
authority, and thereby to create a national sentiment among the Germans,
were neutralized by his coldness, haughtiness and want of principle, as
a man. The people were forced, by the necessities of their situation, to
support their own reigning princes, in the hope of regaining from the
latter some of their lost political rights.
Another circumstance tended to prevent the German Emperors from
acquiring any fixed power. They had no capital city, as France already
possessed in Paris: after the coronation, the monarch immediately
commenced his "royal ride," visiting all portions of the country, and
receiving, personally, the allegiance of the whole people. Then, during
his reign, he was constantly migrating from one castle to another,
either to settle local difficulties, to collect the income of his
scattered estates, or for his own pleasure. There was thus no central
point to which the Germans could look as the seat of the Imperial rule:
the Emperor was a Frank, a Saxon, a Bavarian or Suabian, by turns, but
never permanently a German, with a national capital grander than any
of the petty courts.
The period of Henry V.'s death marks, also, the independence of the
Papal power. The "Concordat of Worms" indirectly took away from the
Roman (German) Emperor the claim of appointing the Pope, which had been
exercised, from time to time, during nearly five hundred years. The
celibacy of the priesthood was partially enforced by this time, and the
Roman Church thereby gained a new power. It was now able to set up an
authority (with the help of France) nearly equal to that of the Empire.
These facts must be borne in mind as we advance; for the secret rivalry
which now began underlies all the subsequent history of Germany, until
it came to a climax in the Reformation of Luther.
[Sidenote: 1125. LOTHAR OF SAXONY ELECTED.]
Henry V. left all his estates and treasures to his nephew, Frederick of
Hohenstaufen, but not the crown jewels and insignia, which were to be
bestowed by the National Diet upon his successor. Frederick, and his
brother Konrad, Duke of Franconia, were the natural heirs to the crown;
but, as the Hohenstaufen family had stood faithfully by Henry IV. and V.
in their conflicts with the Pope, it was unpopular with the priests and
reigning princes. At the Diet, the Archbishop of Mayence nominated
Lothar of Saxony, who was chosen after a very stormy session. His first
acts were to beg the Pope to confirm his election, and then to give up
his right to have the Bishops and abbots appointed in his presence. He
next demanded of Frederick of Hohenstaufen the royal estates which the
latter had inherited from Henry V. Being defeated in the war which
followed, he strengthened his party by marrying his only daughter,
Gertrude, to Henry the Proud, Duke of Bavaria (grandson of Duke Welf,
Henry IV.'s friend, whence this family was called the Welfs--Guelphs).
By this marriage Henry the Proud became also Duke of Saxony; but a part
of the Dukedom, called the North-mark, was separated and given to a
Saxon noble, a friend of Lothar, named Albert the Bear.
Lothar was called to Italy in 1132 by Innocent II., one of two Popes,
who, in consequence of a division in the college of Cardinals, had been
chosen at the same time. He was crowned Emperor in the Lateran, in June,
1133, while the other Pope Anaclete II. was reigning in the Vatican. He
acquired the territory of the Countess Matilda of Tuscany, but only on
condition of paying 400 pounds of silver annually to the Church. The
former state of affairs was thus suddenly reversed: the Emperor
acknowledged himself a dependent of the temporal Papal power. When he
returned to Germany, the same year, Lothar succeeded in subduing the
resistance of the Hohenstaufens, and then bound the reigning princes of
Germany, by oath, to keep peace for the term of twelve years.
[Sidenote: 1137.]
This truce enabled him to return to Italy for the purpose of assisting
Pope Innocent, who had been expelled from Rome. The rival of the latter,
Anaclete II., was supported by the Norman king, Roger II. of Sicily,
who, in the summer of 1137, was driven out of Southern Italy by Lothar's
army. But quarrels broke out with the Pisans, who were his allies, and
with Pope Innocent, for whose cause he was fighting, and he finally set
out for Germany, without even visiting Rome. At Trient, in the Tyrol, he
was seized with a mortal sickness, and died on the Brenner pass of the
Alps, in a shepherd's hut. His body was taken to Saxony and buried in
the chapel of a monastery which he had founded there.
A National Diet was called to meet in May, 1138, and elect a successor.
Lothar's son-in-law, Henry the Proud, Duke of Bavaria, Saxony and
Tuscany (which latter the Emperor had transferred also to him), seemed
to have the greatest right to the throne; but he was already so
important that the jealousy of the other reigning princes was excited
against him. Their policy was, to choose a weak rather than a strong
ruler,--one who would not interfere with their authority in their own
lands. Konrad of Hohenstaufen took advantage of this jealousy; he
courted the favor of the princes and the bishops, and was chosen and
crowned by the latter, three months before the time fixed for the
meeting of the Diet. The movement, though in violation of all law,
succeeded perfectly: a new Diet was called, for form's sake, and all the
German princes, except Henry the Proud, acquiesced in Konrad's election.
In order to maintain his place, the new king was compelled to break the
power of his rival. He therefore declared that Henry the Proud should
not be allowed to govern two lands at the same time, and gave all Saxony
to Albert the Bear. When Henry rose in resistance, Konrad proclaimed
that he had forfeited Bavaria, which he gave to Leopold of Austria. In
this emergency, Henry the Proud called upon the Saxons to help him, and
had raised a considerable force when he suddenly died, towards the end
of the year 1139. His brother, Welf, continued the struggle in Bavaria,
in the interest of his young son, Henry, afterwards called "the Lion."
He attempted to raise the siege of the town of Weinsberg, which was
beleaguered by Konrad's army, but failed. The tradition relates that
when the town was forced to surrender, the women sent a deputation to
Konrad, begging to be allowed to leave with such goods as they could
carry on their backs. When this was granted and the gates were opened,
they came out, carrying their husbands, sons or brothers as their
dearest possessions. The fame of this deed of the women of Weinsberg has
gone all over the world.
[Sidenote: 1140. GUELPH AND GHIBELLINE.]
In this struggle, for the first time, the names of Welf and
Waiblinger (from the little town of Waiblingen, in Wuertemberg, which
belonged to the Hohenstaufens) were first used as party cries in battle.
In the Italian language they became "Guelph" and "Ghibelline," and for
hundreds of years they retained a far more intense and powerful
significance than the names "Whig" and "Tory" in England. The term
Welf (Guelph) very soon came to mean the party of the Pope, and
Waiblinger (Ghibelline) that of the German Emperor. The end of this
first conflict was, that in 1142, young Henry the Lion (great-grandson
of Duke Welf of Bavaria) was allowed to be Duke of Saxony. From him
descended the later Dukes of Brunswick and Hannover, who retained the
family name of Welf, or Guelph, which, through George I., is also that
of the royal family of England at this day. Albert the Bear was obliged
to be satisfied with the North-mark, which was extended to the eastward
of the Elbe and made an independent principality. He called himself
Markgraf (Border Count) of Brandenburg, and thus laid the basis of a new
State, which, in the course of centuries developed into Prussia.
About this time the Christian monarchy in Jerusalem began to be
threatened with overthrow by the Saracens, and the Pope, Eugene III.,
responded to the appeals for help from the Holy Land, by calling for a
Second Crusade. He not only promised forgiveness of all sins, but
released the volunteers from payment of their debts and whatever
obligations they might have contracted under oath. France was the first
to answer the call: then Bernard of Clairvaux (St. Bernard, in the Roman
Church) visited Germany and made passionate appeals to the people. The
first effect of his speeches was the plunder and murder of the Jews in
the cities along the Rhine; then the slow German blood was roused to
enthusiasm for the rescue of the Holy Land, and the impulse became so
great that king Konrad was compelled to join in the movement. His
nephew, the red-bearded Frederick of Suabia, also put the cross on his
mantle: nearly all the German princes and people, except the Saxons,
followed the example.
[Sidenote: 1147.]
In May, 1147, the Crusaders assembled at Ratisbon. There were present
70,000 horsemen in armor, without counting the foot-soldiers and
followers. All the robber-bands and notorious criminals of Germany
joined the army for the sake of the full and free pardon offered by the
Pope. Konrad led the march down the Danube, through Austria and Thrace,
to Constantinople. Louis VII., king of France, followed him, with a
nearly equal force, leaving the German States through which he passed in
a famished condition. The two armies, united at Constantinople, advanced
through Asia Minor, but were so reduced by battles, disease and
hardships on the way, that the few who reached Palestine were too weak
to reconquer the ground lost by the king of Jerusalem. Only a band of
Flemish and English Crusaders, who set out by sea, succeeded in taking
Lisbon from the Saracens.
During the year 1149 the German princes returned from the East with
their few surviving followers. The loss of so many robbers and
robber-knights was, nevertheless, a great gain to the country: the
people enjoyed more peace and security than they had known for a long
time. Duke Welf of Bavaria (brother of Henry the Proud) was the first to
reach Germany: Konrad, fearing that he would make trouble, sent after
him the young Duke of Suabia, Frederick Red-Beard (Barbarossa) of
Hohenstaufen. It was not long, in fact, before the war-cries of
"Guelph!" and "Ghibelline!" were again heard; but Welf, as well as his
nephew, Henry the Lion, of Saxony, was defeated. During the Crusade, the
latter had carried on a war against the Wends and other Slavonic tribes
in Prussia, the chief result of which was the foundation of the city of
Luebeck.
[Sidenote: 1152. KONRAD'S DEATH.]
King Konrad now determined to pay his delayed visit to Rome, and be
crowned Emperor. Immediately after his return from the East, he had
received a pressing invitation from the Roman Senate to come, to
recognize the new order of things in the ancient city, and make it the
permanent capital of the united German and Italian Empire. Arnold of
Brescia, who for years had been advocating the separation of the Papacy
from all temporal power, and the re-establishment of the Roman Church
upon the democratic basis of the early Christian Church, had compelled
the Pope, Eugene III., to accept his doctrine. Rome was practically a
Republic, and Arnold's reform, although fiercely opposed by the Bishops,
abbots and all priests holding civil power, made more and more headway
among the people. At a National Diet, held at Wuerzburg in 1151, it was
decided that Konrad should go to Rome, and the Pope was officially
informed of his intention. But before the preparations for the journey
were completed, Konrad died, in February, 1152, at Bamberg. He was
buried there in the Cathedral built by Henry II.