Tilly Wallenstein And Gustavus Adolphus
(1625--1634.)
The Winter of 1625--6. --Wallenstein's Victory. --Mansfeld's Death.
--Tilly defeats Christian IV. --Wallenstein's Successes in Saxony,
Brandenburg and Holstein. --Siege of Stralsund. --The Edict of
Restitution. --Its Effects. --Wallenstein's Plans. --Diet at
Ratisbon. --Wallenstein's Removal. --Arrival of Gustavus Adolphus.
--His Positions and Plans. --His Character. --Co
ardice of the
Protestant Princes. --Tilly sacks Magdeburg. --Decision of Gustavus
Adolphus. --Tilly's Defeat at Leipzig. --Bohemia invaded.
--Gustavus at Frankfort. --Defeat and Death of Tilly. --Gustavus in
Munich. --Wallenstein restored. --His Conditions. --He meets
Gustavus at Nuremberg. --He invades Saxony. --Battle of Luetzen.
--Death of Gustavus Adolphus. --Wallenstein's Retreat. --Union of
Protestant Princes with Sweden. --Protestant Successes. --Secret
Negotiations with Wallenstein. --His Movements. --Conspiracy
against him. --His Removal. --His March to Eger. --His
Assassination.
[Sidenote: 1626. WALLENSTEIN.]
Before the end of the year 1625, and within three months after Ferdinand
II. had commissioned Wallenstein to raise an army, the latter marched
into Saxony at the head of 30,000 men. No important operations were
undertaken during the winter: Christian IV. and Mansfeld had their
separate quarters on the one side, Tilly and Wallenstein on the other,
and the four armies devoured the substance of the lands where they were
encamped. In April, 1626, Mansfeld marched against Wallenstein, to
prevent him from uniting with Tilly. The two armies met at the bridge of
the Elbe, at Dessau, and fought desperately: Mansfeld was defeated,
driven into Brandenburg, and then took his way through Silesia towards
Hungary, with the intention of forming an alliance with Bethlen Gabor.
Wallenstein followed by forced marches, and compelled Gabor to make
peace with the Emperor: Mansfeld disbanded his troops and set out for
Venice, where he meant to embark for England. But he was already worn
out by the hardships of his campaigns, and died on the way, in
Dalmatia, in November, 1626, 45 years of age. A few months afterwards
Prince Christian of Brunswick also died, and the Protestant cause was
left without any native German leader.
[Sidenote: 1628.]
During the same year the cause received a second and severer blow. On
the 26th of August Christian IV. and Tilly came together at Lutter, a
little town on the northern edge of the Hartz, and the army of the
former was cut to pieces, himself barely escaping with his life. There
seemed, now, to be no further hope for the Protestants: Christian IV.
retreated to Holstein, the Elector of Brandenburg gave up his connection
with the Union of the Saxon States, the Dukes of Mecklenburg were
powerless, and Maurice of Hesse was compelled by the Emperor to
abdicate. New measures in Bohemia and Austria foreshadowed the probable
fate of Germany: the remaining Protestants in those two countries,
including a large majority of the Austrian nobles, were made Catholics
by force.
In the summer of 1627 Wallenstein again marched northward with an army
reorganized and recruited to 40,000 men. John George of Saxony, who
tried to maintain a selfish and cowardly neutrality, now saw his land
overrun, and himself at the mercy of the conqueror. Brandenburg was
subjected to the same fate; the two Mecklenburg duchies were seized as
the booty of the Empire; and Wallenstein, marching on without
opposition, plundered and wasted Holstein, Jutland and Pomerania. In
1628 the Emperor bestowed Mecklenburg upon him: he gave himself the
title of "Admiral of the Baltic and the Ocean," and drew up a plan for
creating a navy out of the vessels of the Hanseatic League, and
conquering Holland for the house of Hapsburg. After this should have
been accomplished, his next project was to form an alliance with Poland
against Denmark and Sweden, the only remaining Protestant powers.
While the rich and powerful cities of Hamburg and Luebeck surrendered at
his approach, the little Hanseatic town of Stralsund closed its gates
against him. The citizens took a solemn oath to defend their religious
faith and their political independence to the last drop of their blood.
Wallenstein exclaimed: "And if Stralsund were bound to Heaven with
chains, I would tear it down!" and marched against the place. At the
first assault he lost 1,000 men; at the second, 2,000; and then the
citizens, in turn, made sallies, and inflicted still heavier losses upon
him. They were soon reinforced by 2,000 Swedes, and then Wallenstein
was forced to raise the siege, after having lost, altogether, 12,000 of
his best troops. At this time the Danes appeared with a fleet of 200
vessels, and took possession of the port of Wolgast, in Pomerania.
[Sidenote: 1629. THE EDICT OF RESTITUTION.]
In spite of this temporary reverse, Ferdinand II. considered that his
absolute power was established over all Germany. After consulting with
the Catholic Chief-Electors (one of whom, now, was Maximilian of
Bavaria), he issued, on the 6th of March, 1629, an "Edict of
Restitution," ordering that all the former territory of the Roman
Church, which had become Protestant, should be restored to Catholic
hands. This required that two archbishoprics, twelve bishoprics, and a
great number of monasteries and churches, which had ceased to exist
nearly a century before, should be again established; and then, on the
principle that the religion of the ruler should be that of the people,
that the Protestant faith should be suppressed in all such territory.
The armies were kept in the field to enforce this edict, which was
instantly carried into effect in Southern Germany, and in the most
violent and barbarous manner. The estates of 6,000 noblemen in
Franconia, Wuertemberg and Baden were confiscated; even the property of
reigning princes was seized; but, instead of passing into the hands of
the Church, much of it was bestowed upon the Emperor's family and his
followers. The Archbishoprics of Bremen and Magdeburg were given to his
son Leopold, a boy of 15! In carrying out the measure, Catholics began
to suffer, as well as Protestants, and the jealousy and alarm of all the
smaller States were finally aroused.
Wallenstein, while equally despotic, was much more arrogant and reckless
than Ferdinand II. He openly declared that reigning princes and a
National Diet were no longer necessary in Germany; the Emperor must be
an absolute ruler, like the kings of France and Spain. At the same time
he was carrying out his own political plans without much reference to
the Imperial authority. Both Catholics and Protestants united in calling
for a Diet: Ferdinand II. at first refused, but there were such signs of
hostility on the part of Holland, Denmark, Sweden and even France, that
he was forced to yield. The Diet met on the 5th of June, 1630, at
Ratisbon, and Maximilian of Bavaria headed the universal demand for
Wallenstein's removal. The Protestants gave testimony of the merciless
system of plunder by which he had ruined their lands; the Catholics
complained of the more than Imperial splendors of his court, upon which
he squandered uncounted millions of stolen money. He travelled with 100
carriages and more than 1,000 horses, kept 15 cooks for his table, and
was waited upon by 16 pages of noble blood. Jealousy of this pomp and
state, and fear of Wallenstein's ambitious designs, and not the latter's
fiendish inhumanity, induced Ferdinand II. to submit to the entreaties
of the Diet, and remove him.
[Sidenote: 1630.]
The Imperial messengers who were sent to his camp with the order of
dismissal, approached him in great dread and anxiety, and scarcely dared
to mention their business. Wallenstein pointed to a sheet covered with
astrological characters, and quietly told them that he had known
everything in advance; that the Emperor had been misled by the Elector
of Bavaria, but, nevertheless, the order would be obeyed. He entertained
them at a magnificent banquet, loaded them with gifts, and then sent
them away. With rage and hate in his heart, but with all the external
show and splendor of an independent sovereign, he retired to Prague,
well knowing that the day was not far off when his services would be
again needed.
Tilly was appointed commander-in-chief of the Imperial armies. At the
very moment, however, when Wallenstein was dismissed, and his forces
divided among several inferior generals, the leader whom the German
Protestants could not furnish came to them from abroad. Their ruin and
the triumph of Ferdinand II. seemed inevitable; twelve years of war in
its most horrible form had desolated their lands, reduced their numbers
to less than half, and broken their spirit. Then help and hope suddenly
returned. On the 4th of July, 1630, Gustavus Adolphus, king of Sweden,
landed on the coast of Pomerania, with an army of 15,000 men. As he
stepped upon the shore, he knelt in the sight of all the soldiers and
prayed that God would befriend him. Some of his staff could not restrain
their tears; whereupon he said to them: "Weep not, friends, but pray,
for prayer is half victory!"
Gustavus Adolphus, who had succeeded to the throne in 1611, at the age
of 17, was already distinguished as a military commander. He had
defeated the Russians in Livonia and banished them from the Baltic; he
had fought for three years with king Sigismund of Poland, and taken
from him the ports of Elbing, Pillau and Memel, and he was now burning
with zeal to defend the falling Protestant cause in Germany. Cardinal
Richelieu, in France, helped him to the opportunity by persuading
Sigismund to accept an armistice, and by furnishing Sweden with the
means of carrying on a war against Ferdinand II. The latter had assisted
Poland, so that a pretext was not wanting; but when Gustavus laid his
plans before his council in Stockholm, a majority of the members advised
him to wait for a new cause of offence. Nevertheless, he insisted on
immediate action. The representatives of the four orders of the people
were convoked in the Senate-house, where he appeared before them with
his little daughter, Christina, in his arms, asked them to swear fealty
to her, and then bade them a solemn farewell. All burst into tears when
he said: "perhaps for ever," but nothing could shake his resolution to
undertake the great work.
[Sidenote: 1630. GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS.]
Gustavus Adolphus was at this time 34 years old; he was so tall and
powerfully built that he almost seemed a giant; his face was remarkably
frank and cheerful in expression, his hair light, his eyes large and
gray and his nose aquiline. Personally, he was a striking contrast to
the little, haggard and wrinkled Tilly and the dark, silent and gloomy
Wallenstein. Ferdinand II. laughed when he heard of his landing, called
him the "Snow King," and said that he would melt away after one winter;
but the common people, who loved and trusted him as soon as they saw
him, named him the "Lion of the North." He was no less a statesman than
a soldier, and his accomplishments were unusual in a ruler of those
days. He was a generous patron of the arts and sciences, spoke four
languages with ease and elegance, was learned in theology, a ready
orator and--best of all--he was honest, devout and conscientious in all
his ways. The best blood of the Goths from whom he was descended beat in
his veins, and the Germans, therefore, could not look upon him as a
foreigner; to them he was a countryman as well as a deliverer.
The Protestant princes, however, although in the utmost peril and
humiliated to the dust, refused to unite with him. If their course had
been cowardly and selfish before, it now became simply infamous. The
Duke of Pomerania shut the gates of Stettin upon the Swedish army, until
compelled by threats to open them; the Electors of Brandenburg and
Saxony held themselves aloof, and Gustavus found himself obliged to
respect their neutrality, lest they should go over to the Emperor's
side! Out of all Protestant Germany there came to him a few petty
princes whose lands had been seized by the Catholics, and who could only
offer their swords. His own troops, however, had been seasoned in many
battles; their discipline was perfect; and when the German people found
that the slightest act of plunder or violence was severely punished,
they were welcomed wherever they marched.
[Sidenote: 1631.]
Moving slowly, and with as much wisdom as caution, Gustavus relieved
Pomerania from the Imperial troops, by the end of the year. He then took
Frankfort-on-the-Oder by storm, and forced the Elector of Brandenburg to
give him the use of Spandau as a fortress, until he should have relieved
Magdeburg, the only German city which had forcibly resisted the "Edict
of Restitution," and was now besieged by Tilly and Pappenheim. As the
city was hard pressed, Gustavus demanded of John George, Elector of
Saxony, permission to march through his territory: it was refused!
Magdeburg was defended by 2,300 soldiers and 5,000 armed citizens
against an army of 30,000 men, for more than a month; then, on the 10th
of May, 1631, it was taken by storm, and given up to the barbarous fury
of Tilly and his troops. The city sank in blood and ashes: 30,000 of the
inhabitants perished by the sword, or in the flames, or crushed under
falling walls, or drowned in the waters of the Elbe. Only 4,000, who had
taken refuge in the Cathedral, were spared. Tilly wrote to the Emperor:
"Since the fall of Troy and Jerusalem, such a victory has never been
seen; and I am sincerely sorry that the ladies of your imperial family
could not have been present as spectators!"
Gustavus Adolphus has been blamed, especially by the admirers and
defenders of the houses of Brandenburg and Saxony, for not having saved
Magdeburg. This he might have done, had he disregarded the neutrality
asserted by John George; but he had been bitterly disappointed at his
reception by the Protestant princes, he could not trust them, and was
not strong enough to fight Tilly with possible enemies in his rear. In
fact, George William of Brandenburg immediately ordered him to give up
Spandau and leave his territory. Then Gustavus did what he should have
done at first: he planted his cannon before Berlin, and threatened to
lay the city in ashes. This brought George William to his senses; he
agreed that his fortresses should be used by the Swedes, and contributed
30,000 dollars a month towards the expenses of the war. So many recruits
flocked to the Swedish standard that both Mecklenburgs were soon cleared
of the Imperial troops, the banished Dukes restored, and an attack by
Tilly upon the fortified camp of Gustavus was repulsed with heavy
losses.
[Sidenote: 1631. DEFEAT OF TILLY.]
Landgrave William of Hesse Cassel was the first Protestant prince who
voluntarily allied himself with the Swedish king. He was shortly
followed by the unwilling but helpless John George of Saxony, whose
territory was invaded and wasted by Tilly's army. Ferdinand II. had
given this order, meaning that the Elector should at least support his
troops. Tilly took possession of Halle, Naumburg and other cities,
plundered and levied heavy contributions, and at last entered Leipzig,
after bombarding it for four days. Then John George united his troops
with those of Gustavus Adolphus, who now commanded an army of 35,000
men.
Tilly and Pappenheim had an equal force to oppose him. After a good deal
of cautious manoeuvring, the two armies stood face to face near
Leipzig, on the 17th of September, 1631. The Swedes were without armor,
and Gustavus distributed musketeers among the cavalry and pikemen.
Banner, one of his generals, commanded his right, and Marshal Horn his
left, where the Saxons were stationed. The army of Tilly was drawn up in
a long line, and the troops wore heavy cuirasses and helmets: Pappenheim
commanded the left, opposite Gustavus, while Tilly undertook to engage
the Saxons. The battle-cry of the Protestants was "God with us!"--that
of the Catholics "Jesu Maria!" Gustavus, wearing a white hat and green
feather, and mounted on a white horse, rode up and down the lines,
encouraging his men. The Saxons gave way before Tilly, and began to fly;
but the Swedes, after repelling seven charges of Pappenheim's cavalry,
broke the enemy's right wing, captured the cannon and turned them
against Tilly. The Imperial army, thrown into confusion, fled in
disorder, pursued by the Swedes, who cut them down until night put an
end to the slaughter. Tilly, severely wounded, narrowly escaped death,
and reached Halle with only a few hundred men.
[Sidenote: 1632.]
This splendid victory restored the hopes of the Protestants everywhere.
Duke Bernard of Saxe-Weimar had joined Gustavus before the battle: in
his zeal for the cause, his honesty and bravery, he resembled the king,
whose chief reliance as a military leader, he soon became. John George
of Saxony consented, though with evident reluctance, to march into
Bohemia, where the crushed Protestants were longing for help, while the
Swedish army advanced through Central Germany to the Rhine. Tilly
gathered together the scattered Imperial forces left in the North,
followed, and vainly endeavored to check Gustavus. The latter took
Wuerzburg, defeated 17,000 men under Charles of Lorraine, who had crossed
the Rhine to oppose him, and entered Frankfort in triumph. Here he fixed
his winter-quarters, and allowed his faithful Swedish troops the rest
which they so much needed.
The territory of the Archbishop of Mayence, and of other Catholic
princes, which he overran, was not plundered or laid waste: Gustavus
proclaimed everywhere religious freedom, not retaliation for the
barbarities inflicted on the Protestants. He soon made himself respected
by his enemies, and his influence spread so rapidly that the idea of
becoming Emperor of Germany was a natural consequence of his success.
His wife, Queen Eleanor, had joined him; he held a splendid court at
Frankfort, and required the German princes whom he had subjected to
acknowledge themselves his dependents. The winter of 1631--32 was given
up to diplomacy, rather than war. Richelieu began to be jealous of the
increasing power of the Swedish king, and entered into secret
negotiations with Maximilian of Bavaria. The latter also corresponded
with Gustavus Adolphus, who by this time had secured the neutrality of
the States along the Rhine, and the support of a large majority of the
population of the Palatinate, Baden and Wuertemberg.
In the early spring of 1632, satisfied that no arrangement with
Maximilian was possible, Gustavus reorganized his army and set out for
Bavaria. The city of Nuremberg received him with the wildest rejoicing:
then he advanced upon Donauwoerth, drove out Maximilian's troops and
restored Protestant worship in the churches. Tilly, meanwhile, had added
Maximilian's army to his own, and taken up a strong position on the
eastern bank of the river Lech, between Augsburg and the Danube.
Gustavus marched against him, cannonaded his position for three days
from the opposite bank, and had partly crossed under cover of the smoke
before his plan was discovered. On the 15th of April Tilly was mortally
wounded, and his army fled in the greatest confusion: he died a few
days afterwards, at Ingolstadt, 73 years old.
[Sidenote: 1632. WALLENSTEIN RESTORED TO POWER.]
The city of Augsburg opened its gates to the conqueror and acknowledged
his authority. Then, after attacking Ingolstadt without success, he
marched upon Munich, which was unable to resist, but was spared, on
condition of paying a heavy contribution. The Bavarians had buried a
number of cannon under the floor of the arsenal, and news thereof came
to the king's ears. "Let the dead arise!" he ordered; and 140 pieces
were dug up, one of which contained 30,000 ducats. Maximilian, whose
land was completely overrun by the Swedes, would gladly have made peace,
but Gustavus plainly told him that he was not to be trusted. While the
Protestant cause was so brilliantly victorious in the south, John George
of Saxony, who had taken possession of Prague without the least trouble,
remained inactive in Bohemia during the winter and spring, apparently as
jealous of Gustavus as he was afraid of Ferdinand II.
The Emperor had long before ceased to laugh at the "Snow King." He was
in the greatest strait of his life: he knew that his trampled Austrians
would rise at the approach of the Swedish army, and then the Catholic
cause would be lost. Before this he had appealed to Wallenstein, who was
holding a splendid court at Znaim, in Moravia; but the latter refused,
knowing that he could exact better terms for his support by waiting a
little longer. The danger, in fact, increased so rapidly that Ferdinand
II. was finally compelled to subscribe to an agreement which practically
made Wallenstein the lord and himself the subject. He gave the Duchies
of Mecklenburg to Wallenstein, and promised him one of the Hapsburg
States in Austria; he gave him the entire disposal of all the territory
he should conquer, and agreed to pay the expenses of his army. Moreover,
all appointments were left to Wallenstein, and the Emperor pledged
himself that neither he nor his son should ever visit the former's camp.
Having thus become absolute master of his movements, Wallenstein offered
a high rate of payment and boundless chances of plunder to all who might
enlist under him, and in two or three months stood at the head of an
army of 40,000 men, many of whom were demoralized Protestants. He took
possession of Prague, which John George vacated at his approach, and
then waited quietly until Maximilian should be forced by necessity to
give him also the command of the Bavarian forces. This soon came to
pass, and then Wallenstein, with 60,000 men, marched against Gustavus
Adolphus, who fell back upon Nuremberg, which he surrounded with a
fortified camp. Instead of attacking him, Wallenstein took possession of
the height of Zirndorf, in the neighborhood of the city, and strongly
intrenched himself. Here the two commanders lay for nine weeks, watching
each other, until Gustavus, whose force amounted to about 35,000, grew
impatient of the delay, and troubled for the want of supplies.
[Sidenote: 1632.]
He attacked Wallenstein's camp, but was repulsed with a loss of 2,000
men; then, after waiting two weeks longer, he marched out of Nuremberg,
with the intention of invading Bavaria. Maximilian followed him with the
Bavarian troops, and Wallenstein, whose army had been greatly diminished
by disease and desertion, moved into Franconia. Then, wheeling suddenly,
he crossed the Thuringian Mountains into Saxony, burning and pillaging
as he went, took Leipzig, and threatened Dresden. John George, who was
utterly unprepared for such a movement, again called upon Gustavus for
help, and the latter, leaving Bavaria, hastened to Saxony by forced
marches. On the 27th of October he reached Erfurt, where he took leave
of his wife, with a presentiment that he should never see her again.
As he passed on through Weimar to Naumburg, the country-people flocked
to see him, falling on their knees, kissing his garments, and expressing
such other signs of faith and veneration, that he exclaimed: "I pray
that the wrath of the Almighty may not be visited upon me, on account of
this idolatry towards a weak and sinful mortal!" Wallenstein's force
being considerably larger than his own, he halted in Naumburg, to await
the former's movements. As the season was so far advanced, Wallenstein
finally decided to send Pappenheim with 10,000 men into Westphalia, and
then go into winter-quarters. As soon as Gustavus heard of Pappenheim's
departure he marched to the attack, and the battle began on the morning
of November 6th, 1632, at Luetzen, between Naumburg and Leipzig.
On both sides the troops had been arranged with great military skill.
Wallenstein had 25,000 men and Gustavus 20,000. The latter made a
stirring address to his Swedes, and then the whole army united in
singing Luther's grand hymn: "Our Lord He is a Tower of Strength." For
several hours the battle raged furiously, without any marked advantage
on either side; then the Swedes broke Wallenstein's left wing and
captured the artillery. The Imperialists rallied and retook it, throwing
the Swedes into some confusion. Gustavus rode forward to rally them and
was carried by his horse among the enemy. A shot, fired at close
quarters, shattered his left arm, but he refused to leave the field, and
shortly afterwards a second shot struck him from his horse. The sight of
the steed, covered with blood and wildly galloping to and fro, told the
Swedes what had happened; but, instead of being disheartened, they
fought more furiously than before, under the command of Duke Bernard of
Saxe-Weimar.
[Sidenote: 1632. THE BATTLE OF LUeTZEN.]
At this juncture Pappenheim, who had been summoned from Halle the day
before, arrived on the field. His first impetuous charge drove the
Swedes back, but he also fell, mortally wounded, his cavalry began to
waver, and the lost ground was regained. Night put an end to the
conflict, and before morning Wallenstein retreated to Leipzig, leaving
all his artillery and colors on the field. The body of Gustavus Adolphus
was found after a long search, buried under a heap of dead, stripped,
mutilated by the hoofs of horses, and barely recognizable. The loss to
the Protestant cause seemed irreparable, but the heroic king, in
falling, had so crippled the power of its most dangerous enemy that its
remaining adherents had a little breathing-time left them, to arrange
for carrying on the struggle.
Wallenstein was so weakened that he did not even remain in Saxony, but
retired to Bohemia, where he vented his rage on his own soldiers. The
Protestant princes felt themselves powerless without the aid of Sweden,
and when the Chancellor of the kingdom, Oxenstierna, decided to carry on
the war, they could not do otherwise than accept him as the head of the
Protestant Union, in the place of Gustavus Adolphus. A meeting was held
at Heilbronn, in the spring of 1633, at which the Suabian, Franconian
and Rhenish princes formally joined the new league. Duke Bernard and the
Swedish Marshal Horn were appointed commanders of the army. Electoral
Saxony and Brandenburg, as before, hesitated and half drew back, but
they finally consented to favor the movement without joining it, and
each accepted 100,000 thalers a year from France, to pay them for the
trouble. Richelieu had an ambassador at Heilbronn, who promised large
subsidies to the Protestant side: it was in the interest of France to
break the power of the Hapsburgs, and there was also a chance, in the
struggle, of gaining another slice of German territory.
[Sidenote: 1633.]
Hostilities were renewed, and for a considerable time the Protestant
armies were successful everywhere. William of Hesse and Duke George of
Brunswick defeated the Imperialists and held Westphalia; Duke Bernard
took Bamberg and moved against Bavaria; Saxony and Silesia were
delivered from the enemy, and Marshal Horn took possession of Alsatia.
Duke Bernard and Horn were only prevented from overrunning all Bavaria
by a mutiny which broke out in their armies, and deprived them of
several weeks of valuable time.
While these movements were going on, Wallenstein remained idle at
Prague, in spite of the repeated and pressing entreaties of the Emperor
that he would take the field. He seems to have considered his personal
power secured, and was only in doubt as to the next step which he should
take in his ambitious career. Finally, in May, he marched into Silesia,
easily out-generaled Arnheim, who commanded the Protestant armies, but
declined to follow up his advantage, and concluded an armistice. Secret
negotiations then began between Wallenstein, Arnheim and the French
ambassador: the project was that Wallenstein should come over to the
Protestant side, in return for the crown of Bohemia. Louis XIII. of
France promised his aid, but Chancellor Oxenstierna, distrusting
Wallenstein, refused to be a party to the plan. There is no positive
evidence, indeed, that Wallenstein consented: it rather seems that he
was only courting offers from the Protestant side, in order to have a
choice of advantages, but without binding himself in any way.
Ferdinand II., in his desperation, summoned a Spanish army from Italy to
his aid. This was a new offence to Wallenstein, since the new troops
were not placed under his command. In the autumn of 1633, however, he
felt obliged to make some movement. He entered Silesia, defeated a
Protestant army under Count Thurn, overran the greater part of Saxony
and Brandenburg, and threatened Pomerania. In the meantime the Spanish
and Austrian troops in Bavaria had been forced to fall back, Duke
Bernard had taken Ratisbon, and the road to Vienna was open to him.
Ferdinand II. and Maximilian of Bavaria sent messenger after messenger
to Wallenstein, imploring him to return from the North without delay. He
moved with the greatest slowness, evidently enjoying their anxiety and
alarm, crossed the northern frontier of Bavaria, and then, instead of
marching against Duke Bernard, he turned about and took up his
winter-quarters at Pilsen, in Bohemia.
[Sidenote: 1634. WALLENSTEIN'S CONSPIRACY.]
Here he received an order from the Emperor, commanding him to march
instantly against Ratisbon, and further, to send 6,000 of his best
cavalry to the Spanish army. This step compelled him, after a year's
hesitation, to act without further delay. He was already charged, at
Vienna, with being a traitor to the Imperial cause: he now decided to
become one, in reality. He first confided his design to his
brothers-in-law, Counts Kinsky and Terzky, and one of his Generals,
Illo. Then a council of war, of all the chief officers of his army, was
called on the 11th of January, 1634; Wallenstein stated what Ferdinand
II. had ordered, and in a cunning speech commented on the latter's
ingratitude to the army which had saved him, ending by declaring that he
should instantly resign his command. The officers were thunderstruck:
they had boundless faith in Wallenstein's military genius, and they saw
themselves deprived of glory, pay and plunder by his resignation. He and
his associates skilfully made use of their excitement: at a grand
banquet, the next day, all of them, numbering 42, signed a document
pledging their entire fidelity to Wallenstein.
General Piccolomini, one of the signers, betrayed all this to the
Emperor, who, twelve days afterwards, appointed General Gallas, another
of the signers, commander in Wallenstein's stead. At the same time a
secret order was issued for the seizure of Wallenstein, Illo and Terzky,
dead or alive. Both sides were now secretly working against each other,
but Wallenstein's former delay told against him. He could not go over to
the Protestant side, unless certain important conditions were secured in
advance, and while his agents were negotiating with Duke Bernard, his
own army, privately worked upon by Gallas and other agents of the
Emperor, began to desert him. What arrangement was made with Duke
Bernard, is uncertain; the chief evidence is that he, and Wallenstein
with the few thousand troops who still stood by him, moved rapidly
towards each other, as if to join their forces.
[Sidenote: 1634.]
On the 24th of February, 1634, Wallenstein reached the town of Eger,
near the Bohemian frontier: only two or three more days were required,
to consummate his plan. Then Colonel Butler, an Irishman, and two Scotch
officers, Gordon and Leslie, conspired to murder him and his
associates--no doubt in consequence of instructions received from
Vienna. Illo, Terzky and Kinsky accepted an invitation to a banquet in
the citadel, the following evening; but Wallenstein, who was unwell,
remained in his quarters in the Burgomaster's house. Everything had been
carefully prepared, in advance: at a given signal, Gordon and Leslie put
out the lights, dragoons entered the banquet-hall, and the three victims
were murdered in cold blood. Then a Captain Devereux, with six soldiers,
forced his way into the Burgomaster's house, on pretence of bearing
important dispatches, cut down Wallenstein's servant and entered the
room where he lay. Wallenstein, seeing that his hour had come, made no
resistance, but silently received his death-blow.
When Duke Bernard arrived, a day or two afterwards, he found Eger
defended by the Imperialists. Ferdinand II. shed tears when he heard of
Wallenstein's death, and ordered 3,000 masses to be said for his soul;
but, at the same time, he raised the assassins, Butler and Leslie, to
the rank of Count, and rewarded them splendidly for the deed.
Wallenstein's immense estates were divided among the officers who had
sworn to support him, and had then secretly gone over to the Emperor.