Recent Excavations In Western Asia And The Dawn Of Chaldaean History
In the preceding pages it has been shown how recent excavations in Egypt
have revealed an entirely new chapter in the history of that country,
and how, in consequence, our theories with regard to the origin of
Egyptian civilization have been entirely remodelled. Excavations have
been and are being carried out in Mesopotamia and the adjacent countries
with no less enthusiasm and energy than in Egypt itself, and, although
it cannot be said that they have resulted in any sweeping modification
of our conceptions with regard to the origin and kinship of the early
races of Western Asia, yet they have lately added considerably to our
knowledge of the ancient history of the countries in that region of the
world. This is particularly the case in respect of the Sumerians, who,
so far as we know at present, were the earliest inhabitants of the
fertile plains of Mesopotamia. The beginnings of this ancient people
stretch back into the remote past, and their origin is still shrouded in
the mists of antiquity. When first we come across them they have already
attained a high level of civilization. They have built temples and
palaces and houses of burnt and unburnt brick, and they have reduced
their system of agriculture to a science, intersecting their country
with canals for purposes of irrigation and to ensure a good supply of
water to their cities. Their sculpture and pottery furnish abundant
evidence that they have already attained a comparatively high level in
the practice of the arts, and finally they have evolved a complicated
system of writing which originally had its origin in picture-characters,
but afterwards had been developed along phonetic lines. To have attained
to this pitch of culture argues long periods of previous development,
and we must conclude that they had been settled in Southern Babylonia
many centuries before the period to which we must assign the earliest of
their remains at present discovered.
That this people were not indigenous to Babylonia is highly probable,
but we have little data by which to determine the region from which
they originally came. Prom the fact that they built their ziggurats, or
temple towers, of huge masses of unburnt brick which rose high above
the surrounding plain, and that their ideal was to make each "like a
mountain," it has been argued that they were a mountain race, and the
home from which they sprang has been sought in Central Asia. Other
scholars have detected signs of their origin in their language and
system of writing, and, from the fact that they spoke an agglutinative
tongue and at the earliest period arranged the characters of their
script in vertical lines like the Chinese, it has been urged that
they were of Mongol extraction. Though a case may be made out for this
hypothesis, it would be rash to dogmatize for or against it, and it is
wiser to await the discovery of further material on which a more certain
decision may be based. But whatever their origin, it is certain that the
Sumerians exercised an extraordinary influence on all races with
which, either directly or indirectly, they came in contact. The ancient
inhabitants of Elam at a very early period adopted in principle
their method of writing, and afterwards, living in isolation in the
mountainous districts of Persia, developed it on lines of their own. [*
See Chap. V, and note.] On their invasion of Babylonia the Semites
fell absolutely under Sumerian influence, and, although they eventually
conquered and absorbed the Sumerians, their civilization remained
Sumerian to the core. Moreover, by means of the Semitic inhabitants of
Babylonia Sumerian culture continued to exert its influence on other
and more distant races. We have already seen how a Babylonian element
probably enters into Egyptian civilization through Semitic infiltration
across the Straits of Bab el-Mandeb or by way of the Isthmus of Suez,
and it was Sumerian culture which these Semites brought with them.
In like manner, through the Semitic Babylonians, the Assyrians, the
Kassites, and the inhabitants of Palestine and Syria, and of some
parts of Asia Minor, Armenia, and Kurdistan, all in turn experienced
indirectly the influence of Sumerian civilization and continued in a
greater or less degree to reproduce elements of this early culture.
It will be seen that the influence of the Sumerians furnishes us with
a key to much that would otherwise prove puzzling in the history of the
early races of Western Asia. It is therefore all the more striking to
recall the fact that but a few years ago the very existence of this
ancient people was called in question. At that time the excavations in
Mesopotamia had not revealed many traces of the race itself, and its
previous existence had been mainly inferred from a number of Sumerian
compositions inscribed upon Assyrian tablets found in the library
of Ashur-bani-pal at Nineveh. These compositions were furnished with
Assyrian translations upon the tablets on which they were inscribed,
and it was correctly argued by the late Sir Henry Rawlinson, the late M.
Oppert, Prof. Schrader, Prof. Sayce, and other scholars that they were
written in the language of the earlier inhabitants of the country whom
the Semitic Babylonians had displaced. But M. Halevy started a theory to
the effect that Sumerian was not a language at all, in the proper sense
of the term, but was a cabalistic method of writing invented by the
Semitic Babylonian priests.
Drawn up by an Assyrian scribe to assist him in his studies
of early texts. Photograph by Messrs. Mansell & Co.
The argument on which the upholders of this theory mainly relied was
that many of the phonetic values of the Sumerian signs were obviously
derived from Semitic equivalents, and they hastily jumped to the
conclusion that the whole language was similarly derived from Semitic
Babylonian, and was, in fact, a purely arbitrary invention of the
Babylonian priests. This theory ignored all questions of inherent
probability, and did not attempt to explain why the Babylonian priests
should have troubled themselves to make such an invention and afterwards
have stultified themselves by carefully appending Assyrian translations
to the majority of the Sumerian compositions which they copied out.
Moreover, the nature of these compositions is not such as we should
expect to find recorded in a cabalistic method of writing. They contain
no secret lore of the Babylonian priests, but are merely hymns and
prayers and religious compositions similar to those employed by the
Babylonians and Assyrians themselves.
But in spite of its inherent improbabilities, M. Halevy succeeded in
making many converts to his theory, including Prof. Friedrich Delitzsch
and a number of the younger school of German Assyriologists. More
conservative scholars, such as Sir Henry Rawlinson, M. Oppert, and Prof.
Schrader, stoutly opposed the theory, maintaining that Sumerian was a
real language and had been spoken by an earlier race whom the Semitic
Babylonians had conquered; and they explained the resemblance of some of
the Sumerian values to Semitic roots by supposing that Sumerian had
not been suddenly superseded by the language of the Semitic invaders
of Babylonia, but that the two tongues had been spoken for long periods
side by side and that each had been strongly influenced by the other.
This very probable and sane explanation has been fully corroborated
by subsequent excavations, particularly those that were carried out at
Telloh in Southern Babylonia by the late M. de Sarzec. In these mounds,
which mark the site of the ancient Sumerian city of Shirpurla, were
found thousands of clay tablets inscribed in archaic characters and in
the Sumerian language, proving that it had actually been the language of
the early inhabitants of Babylonia; while the examples of their art and
the representations of their form and features, which were also afforded
by the diggings at Telloh, proved once for all that the Sumerians were
a race of strongly marked characteristics and could not be ascribed to a
Semitic stock.
The system of writing invented by the ancient Sumerians was adopted by
the Semitic Babylonians, who modified it to suit their own language.
Moreover, the archaic forms of the characters, many of which under the
Sumerians still retained resemblances to the pictures of objects from
which they were descended, were considerably changed. The lines, of
which they were originally composed, gave way to wedges, and the number
of the wedges of which each sign consisted was gradually diminished, so
that in the time of the Assyrians and the later Babylonians many of the
characters bore small resemblance to the ancient Sumerian forms
from which they had been derived. The reading of Sumerian and early
Babylonian inscriptions by the late Assyrian scribes was therefore an
accomplishment only to be acquired as the result of long study, and it
is interesting to note that as an assistance to the reading of these
early texts the scribes compiled lists of archaic signs. Sometimes
opposite each archaic character they drew a picture of the object from
which they imagined it was derived. This fact is significant as proving
that the Assyrian scribes recognized the pictorial origin of cuneiform
writing, but the pictures they drew opposite the signs are rather
fanciful, and it cannot be said that their guesses were very successful.
That we are able to criticize the theories of the Assyrians as to the
origin and forms of the early characters is in the main due to M. de
Sarzec's labours, from whose excavations many thousands of inscriptions
of the Sumerians have been recovered.
The main results of M. de Sarzec's diggings at Telloh have already been
described by M. Maspero in his history, and therefore we need not go
over them again, but will here confine ourselves to the results which
have been obtained from recent excavations at Telloh and at other sites
in Western Asia. With the death of M. de Sarzec, which occurred in his
sixty-fifth year, on May 31, 1901, the wonderfully successful series of
excavations which he had carried out at Telloh was brought to an end. In
consequence it was feared at the time that the French diggings on this
site might be interrupted for a considerable period. Such an event would
have been regretted by all those who are interested in the early history
of the East, for, in spite of the treasures found by M. de Sarzec in the
course of his various campaigns, it was obvious that the site was far
from being exhausted, and that the tells as yet unexplored contained
inscriptions and antiquities extending back to the very earliest periods
of Sumerian history.
Opposite each the scribe has drawn a picture of the object
from which he imagined it was derived. Photograph by Messrs.
Mansell & Co.
The announcement which was made in 1902, that the French government had
appointed Capt. Gaston Cros as the late M. de Sarzec's successor, was
therefore received with general satisfaction. The fact that Capt. Cros
had already successfully carried out several difficult topographical
missions in the region of the Sahara was a sufficient guarantee that the
new diggings would be conducted on a systematic and exhaustive scale.
The new director of the French mission in Chaldaea arrived at Telloh in
January, 1903, and one of his first acts was to shift the site of the
mission's settlement from the bank of the Shatt el-Hai, where it had
always been established in the time of M. de Sarzec, to the mounds where
the actual digging took place. The Shatt el-Hai had been previously
chosen as the site of the settlement to ensure a constant supply of
water, and as it was more easily protected against attack by night.
But the fact that it was an hour's ride from the diggings caused an
unnecessary loss of time, and rendered the strict supervision of the
diggers a matter of considerable difficulty. During the first season's
work rough huts of reeds, surrounded by a wall of earth and a ditch,
served the new expedition for its encampment among the mounds of Telloh,
but last year these makeshift arrangements were superseded by a regular
house built out of the burnt bricks which are found in abundance on the
site. A reservoir has also been built, and caravans of asses bring water
in skins from the Shatt el-Hai to keep it filled with a constant supply
of water, while the excellent relations which Capt. Cros has established
with the Karagul Arabs, who occupy Telloh and its neighbourhood, have
proved to be the best kind of protection for the mission engaged in
scientific work upon the site.
The group of mounds and hillocks, known as Telloh, which marks the site
of the ancient Sumerian city of Shirpurla, is easily distinguished from
the flat surrounding desert. The mounds extend in a rough oval formation
running north and south, about two and a half miles long and one and a
quarter broad. In the early spring, when the desert is covered with a
light green verdure, the ruins are clearly marked out as a yellow spot
in the surrounding green, for vegetation does not grow upon them. In the
centre of this oval, which approximately marks the limits of the ancient
city and its suburbs, are four large tells or mounds running, roughly,
north and south, their sides descending steeply on the east, but with
their western slopes rising by easier undulations from the plain. These
four principal tells are known as the "Palace Tell," the "Tell of the
Fruit-house," the "Tell of the Tablets," and the "Great Tell," and,
rising as they do in the centre of the site, they mark the position of
the temples and the other principal buildings of the city.
An indication of the richness of the site in antiquities was afforded
to the new mission before it had started regular excavation and while
it was yet engaged in levelling its encampment and surrounding it with a
wall and ditch. The spot selected for the camp was a small mound to the
south of the site of Telloh, and here, in the course of preparing the
site for the encampment and digging the ditch, objects were found at
a depth of less than a foot beneath the surface of the soil. These
included daggers, copper vases, seal-cylinders, rings of lapis and
cornelian, and pottery. M. de Sarzec had carried out his latest
diggings in the Tell of the Tablets, and here Capt. Cros continued
the excavations and came upon the remains of buildings and recovered
numerous objects, dating principally from the period of Gudea and
the kings of Ur. The finds included small terra-cotta figures, a
boundary-stone of Gamil-Sin, and a new statue of Gudea, to which we will
refer again presently.
In the Tell of the Fruit-house M. de Sarzec had already discovered
numbers of monuments dating from the earlier periods of Sumerian history
before the conquest and consolidation of Babylonia under Sargon of
Agade, and had excavated a primitive terrace built by the early king
Ur-Nina. Both on and around this large mound Capt. Cros cut an extensive
series of trenches, and in digging to the north of the mound he found a
number of objects, including an alabaster tablet of Ente-mena which had
been blackened by fire. At the foot of the tell he found a copper helmet
like those represented on the famous Stele of Vultures discovered by
M. de Sarzec, and among the tablets here recovered was one with an
inscription of the time of Urukagina, which records the complete
destruction of the city of Shirpurla during his reign, and will be
described in greater detail later on in this chapter. On the mound
itself a considerable area was uncovered with remains of buildings
still in place, the use of which appears to have been of an industrial
character. They included flights of steps, canals with raised banks,
and basins for storing water. Not far off are the previously discovered
wells of Bannadu, so that it is legitimate to suppose that Capt. Cros
has here come upon part of the works which were erected at a very early
period of Sumerian history for the distribution of water to this portion
of the city.
An early Semitic king of the city of Kish in Babylonia. The
photograph is taken from M. de Morgan's Delegation en Perse,
M'em., t. i, pi. ix.
In the Palace Tell Capt. Cros has sunk a series of deep shafts to
determine precisely the relations which the buildings of Ur-Bau and
Gudea, found already on this part of the site, bear to each other, and
to the building of Adad-nadin-akhe, which had been erected there at
a much later period. Prom this slight sketch of the work carried out
during the last two years at Telloh it will have been seen that the
Prench mission in Chaldaea is at present engaged in excavations of a
most important character, which are being conducted in a regular and
scientific manner. As the area of the excavations marks the site of the
chief city of the Sumerians, the diggings there have yielded and
are yielding material of the greatest interest and value for the
reconstruction of the early history of Chaldaea. After briefly describing
the character and results of other recent excavations in Mesopotamia and
the neighbouring lands, we will return to the discoveries at Telloh and
sketch the new information they supply on the history of the earliest
inhabitants of the country.
Another French mission that is carrying out work of the very greatest
interest to the student of early Babylonian history is that which is
excavating at Susa in Persia, under the direction of M. J. de Morgan,
whose work on the prehistoric and early dynastic sites in Egypt has
already been described. M. de Morgan's first season's digging at Susa
was carried out in the years 1897-8, and the success with which he met
from the very first, when cutting trenches in the mound which marks
the acropolis of the ancient city, has led him to concentrate his main
efforts in this part of the ruins ever since. Provisional trenches cut
in the part of the ruins called "the Royal City," and in others of the
mounds at Susa, indicate that many remains may eventually be found there
dating from the period of the Achaemenian Kings of Persia. But it is in
the mound of the acropolis at Susa that M. de Morgan has found monuments
of the greatest historical interest and value, not only in the history
of ancient Elam, but also in that of the earliest rulers of Chaldaea.
In the diggings carried out during the first season's work on the site,
an obelisk was found inscribed on four sides with a long text of some
sixty-nine columns, written in Semitic Babylonian by the orders
of Manishtusu, a very early Semitic king of the city of Kish in
Babylonia.[* See illustration.] The text records the purchase by the
King of Kish of immense tracts of land situated at Kish and in
its neighbourhood, and its length is explained by the fact that it
enumerates full details of the size and position of each estate, and the
numbers and some of the names of the dwellers on the estates who were
engaged in their cultivation. After details have been given of a number
of estates situated in the same neighbourhood, a summary is appended
referring to the whole neighbourhood, and the fact is recorded that the
district dealt with in the preceding catalogue and summary had been duly
acquired by purchase by Manishtusu, King of Kish. The long text upon
the obelisk is entirely taken up with details of the purchase of the
territory, and therefore its subject has not any great historical value.
Mention is made in it of two personages, one of whom may possibly
be identified with a Babylonian ruler whose name is known from other
sources. If the proposed identification t should prove to be correct,
it would enable us to assign a more precise date to Manishtusu than has
hitherto been possible. One of the personages in question was a certain
Urukagina, the son of Engilsa, patesi of Shirpurla, and it has been
suggested that he is the same Urukagina who is known to have occupied
the throne of Shirpurla, though this identification would bring
Manishtusu down somewhat later than is probable from the general
character of his inscriptions. The other personage mentioned in the text
is the son of Manishtusu, named Mesalim, and there is more to be said
for the identification of this prince with Mesilim, the early King of
Kish, who reigned at a period anterior to that of Eannadu, patesi of
Shirpurla.
The mere fact of so large and important an obelisk, inscribed with a
Semitic text by an early Babylonian king, being found at Susa was
an indication that other monuments of even greater interest might be
forthcoming from the same spot; and this impression was intensified when
a stele of victory was found bearing an inscription of Naram-Sin, the
early Semitic King of Agade, who reigned about 3750 B.C. One face of
this stele is sculptured with a representation of the king conquering
his enemies in a mountainous country. [* See illustration.] The king
himself wears a helmet adorned with the horns of a bull, and he carries
his battle-axe and his bow and an arrow. He is nearly at the summit of
a high mountain, and up its steep sides, along paths through the
trees which clothe the mountain, climb his allies and warriors bearing
standards and weapons. The king's enemies are represented suing for
mercy as they turn to fly before him. One grasps a broken spear, while
another, crouching before the king, has been smitten in the throat by an
arrow from the king's bow. On the plain surface of the stele above the
king's head may be seen traces of an inscription of Naram-Sin engraved
in three columns in the archaic characters of his period. From the few
signs of the text that remain, we gather that Naram-Sin had conducted
a campaign with the assistance of certain allied princes, including the
Princes of Sidur, Saluni, and Lulubi, and it is not improbable that
they are to be identified with the warriors represented on the stele as
climbing the mountain behind Naram-Sin.
In reference to this most interesting stele of Naram-Sin we may here
mention another inscription of this king, found quite recently at
Susa and published only this year, which throws additional light on
Naram-Sin's allies and on the empire which he and his father Sargon
founded. The new inscription was engraved on the base of a diorite
statue, which had been broken to pieces so that only the base with
a portion of the text remained. From this inscription we learn that
Naram-Sin was the head of a confederation of nine chief allies, or
vassal princes, and waged war on his enemies with their assistance.
Among these nine allies of course the Princes of Sidur, Saluni, and
Lulubi are to be included. The new text further records that Naram-Sin
made an expedition against Magan (the Sinaitic peninsula), and defeated
Manium, the lord of that region, and that he cut blocks of stone in the
mountains there and transported them to his city of Agade, where
from one of them he made the statue on the base of which the text was
inscribed. It was already known from the so-called "Omens of Sargon
and Naram-Sin" (a text inscribed on a clay tablet from Ashur-bani-pal's
library at Nineveh which associates the deeds of these two early rulers
with certain augural phenomena) that Naram-Sin had made an expedition
to Sinai in the course of his reign and had conquered the king of the
country. The new text gives contemporary confirmation of this assertion
and furnishes us with additional information with regard to the name of
the conquered ruler of Sinai and other details of the campaign.
That monuments of such great interest to the early history of Chaldaea
should have been found at Susa in Persia was sufficiently startling,
but an easy explanation was at first forthcoming from the fact that
Naram-Sin's stele of victory had been used by the later Elamite king,
Shutruk-Nakhkhunte, for an inscription of his own; this he had engraved
in seven long lines along the great cone in front of Naram-Sin, which is
probably intended to represent the peak of the mountain. From the fact
that it had been used in this way by Shutruk-Nakhkhunte, it seemed
permissible to infer that it had been captured in the course of a
campaign and brought to Susa as a trophy of war. But we shall see later
on that the existence of early Babylonian inscriptions and monuments in
the mound of the acropolis at Susa is not to be explained in this way,
but was due to the wide extension of both Sumerian and Semitic influence
throughout Western Asia from the very earliest periods. This subject
will be treated more fully in the chapter dealing with the early history
of Blam.
The upper surface of the tell of the acropolis at Susa for a depth of
nearly two metres contains remains of the buildings and antiquities
of the Achaemenian kings and others of both later and earlier dates.
In these upper strata of the mound are found remains of the
Arab, Sassanian, Parthian, Seleucian, and Persian periods, mixed
indiscriminately with one another and with Elamite objects and materials
of all ages, from that of the earliest patesis down to that of the
Susian kings of the seventh century B.C.
The most northern of the mounds which now mark the site of
the ancient city of Babylon; used for centuries as a quarry
for building materials.
The reason of this mixture of the remains of many races and periods is
that the later builders on the mound made use of the earlier building
materials which they found preserved within it. Along the skirts of the
mound may still be seen the foundations of the wall which formed the
principal defence of the acropolis in the time of Xerxes, and in many
places not only are the foundations preserved but large pieces of the
wall itself still rise above the surface of the soil.
Stele of Naram-Sin, an early Semitic King of Agade in
Babylonia, who reigned about B. C. 3750. From the photograph
by Messrs. Mansell & Co.
The plan of the wall is quite irregular, following the contours of the
mound, and, though it is probable that the wall was strengthened and
defended at intervals by towers, no trace of these now remains. The
wall is very thick and built of unburnt bricks, and the system of
fortification seems to have been extremely simple at this period.
The group probably represents Babylon or the Babylonian king
triumphing over the country's enemies. The Arabs regard the
figure as an evil spirit, and it is pitted with the marks of
bullets shot at it. They also smear it with filth when they
can do so unobserved; in the photograph some newly smeared
filth may be seen adhering to the side of the lion.
The earlier citadel or fortress of the city of Susa was built at the top
of the mound and must have been a more formidable stronghold than that
of the Achaemenian kings, for, besides its walls, it had the additional
protection of the steep slopes of the mound.
Below the depth of two metres from the surface of the mound are found
strata in which Elamite objects and materials are, no longer mixed with
the remains of later ages, but here the latest Elamite remains are found
mingled with objects and materials dating from the earliest periods of
Elam's history. The use of un-burnt bricks as the principal material
for buildings erected on the mound in all ages has been another cause
of this mixture of materials, for it has little power of resistance to
water, and a considerable rain-storm will wash away large portions
of the surface and cause the remains of different strata to be mixed
indiscriminately with one another. In proportion as the trenches were
cut deeper into the mound the strata which were laid bare showed remains
of earlier ages than those in the upper layers, though here also remains
of different periods are considerably mixed. The only building that has
hitherto been discovered at Susa by M. de Morgan, the ground plan of
which was in a comparatively good state of preservation, was a small
temple of the god Shu-shinak, and this owed its preservation to the
fact that it was not built of unburnt brick, but was largely composed of
burnt brick and plaques and tiles of enamelled terra-cotta.
But although the diggings of M. de Morgan at Susa have so far afforded
little information on the subject of Elamite architecture, the separate
objects found have enabled us to gain considerable knowledge of the
artistic achievements of the race during the different periods of
its existence. Moreover, the stelae and stone records that have been
recovered present a wealth of material for the study of the long history
of Elam and of the kings who ruled in Babylonia during the earliest
ages.
BABYLON.]
Showing the depth in the mound to which the diggings are
carried.
The most famous of M. de Morgan's recent finds is the long code of
laws drawn up by Hammurabi, the greatest king of the First Dynasty of
Babylon.* This was engraved upon a huge block of black diorite, and
was found in the tell of the acropolis in the winter of 1901-2. This
document in itself has entirely revolutionized current theories as to
the growth and origin of the principal ancient legal codes. It proves
that Babylonia was the fountainhead from which many later races borrowed
portions of their legislative systems. Moreover, the subjects dealt
with in this code of laws embrace most of the different classes of the
Babylonian people, and it regulates their duties and their relations
to one another in their ordinary occupations and pursuits. It therefore
throws much light upon early Babylonian life and customs, and we shall
return to it in the chapter dealing with these subjects.
* It will be noted that the Babylonian dynasties are
referred to throughout this volume as "First Dynasty,"
"Second Dynasty," "Third Dynasty," etc. They are thus
distinguished from the Egyptian dynasties, the order of
which is indicated by Roman numerals, e.g. "Ist Dynasty,"
"IId Dynasty," "IIId Dynasty."
The American excavators at Nippur, under the direction of Mr. Haynes,
have done much in the past to increase our knowledge of Sumerian and
early Babylonian history, but the work has not been continued in
recent years, and, unfortunately, little progress has been made in the
publication of the material already accumulated. In fact, the leadership
in American excavation has passed from the University of Pennsylvania to
that of Chicago. This progressive university has sent out an expedition,
under the general direction of Prof. R. F. Harper (with Dr. E. J. Banks
as director of excavations), which is doing excellent work at Bismya,
and, although it is too early yet to expect detailed accounts of their
achievements, it is clear that they have already met with considerable
success. One of their recent finds consists of a white marble statue of
an early Sumerian king named Daudu, which was set up in the temple of
E-shar in the city of Udnun, of which he was ruler. From its archaic
style of workmanship it may be placed in the earliest period of Sumerian
history, and may be regarded as an earnest of what may be expected to
follow from the future labours of Prof. Harper's expedition.
At Fara and at Abu Hatab in Babylonia, the Deutsch-Orient Gesellschaft,
under Dr. Koldewey's direction, has excavated Sumerian and Babylonian
remains of the early period. At the former site they unearthed the
remains of many private houses and found some Sumerian tablets of
accounts and commercial documents, but little of historical interest;
and an inscription, which seems to have come from Abu Hatab, probably
proves that the Sumerian name of the city whose site it marks was
Kishurra. But the main centre of German activity in Babylonia is the
city of Babylon itself, where for the last seven years Dr. Koldewey has
conducted excavations, unearthing the palaces of Nebuchadnezzar II on
the mound termed the Kasr, identifying the temple of E-sagila under the
mound called Tell Amran ibn-Ali, tracing the course of the sacred way
between E-sagila and the palace-mound, and excavating temples dedicated
to the goddess Ninmakh and the god Ninib.
In the middle distance may be seen the metal trucks running
on light rails which are employed on the work for the
removal of the debris from the diggings.
Dr. Andrae, Dr. Koldewey's assistant, has also completed the excavation
of the temple dedicated to Nabu at Birs Nimrud. On the principal mound
at this spot, which marks the site of the ancient city of Borsippa,
traces of the ziggurat, or temple tower, may still be seen rising from
the soil, the temple of Nabu lying at a lower level below the steep
slope of the mound, which is mainly made up of debris from the
ziggurat. Dr. Andrae has recently left Babylonia for Assyria, where
his excavations at Sher-ghat, the site of the ancient Assyrian city of
Ashur, are confidently expected to throw considerable light on the early
history of that country and the customs of the people, and already he
has made numerous finds of considerable interest.
THE SITE OP THE ANCIENT CITY OP BORSIPPA.]
Since the early spring of 1903 excavations have been conducted at
Kuyunjik, the site of the city of Nineveh, by Messrs. L. W. King and R.
C. Thompson on behalf of the Trustees of the British Museum, and have
resulted in the discovery of many early remains in the lower strata of
the mound, in addition to the finding of new portions of the two palaces
already known and partly excavated, the identification of a third
palace, and the finding of an ancient temple dedicated to Nabu, whose
existence had already been inferred from a study of the Assyrian
inscriptions.* All these diggings at Babylon, at Ashur, and at Nineveh
throw more light upon the history of the country during the Assyrian and
Neo-Babylonian periods, and will be referred to later in the volume.
* It may be noted that excavations are also being actively
carried on in Palestine at the present time. Mr. Macalister
has for some years been working for the Palestine
Exploration Fund at Gezer; Dr. Schumacher is digging at
Megiddo for the German Palestine Society; and Prof. Sellin
is at present excavating at Taanach (Ta'annak) and will
shortly start work at Dothan. Good work on remains of later
historical periods is also being carried on under the
auspices of the Deutsch-Orient Gesellschaft at Ba'albek and
in Galilee. It would be tempting to include here a summary
of the very interesting results that have recently been
achieved in this fruitful field of archaeological research,
for it is true that these excavations may strictly be said
to bear on the history of a portion of Western Asia. But the
problems which they raise would more naturally be discussed
in a work dealing with recent excavation and research in
relation to the Bible, and to have summarized them
adequately would have increased the size of the present
volume considerably beyond its natural limits. They have
therefore not been included within the scope of the present
work.
SITE OF ASHUK, THE ANCIENT CAPITAL OF THE ASSYRIANS.]
Meanwhile, we will return to the diggings described at the beginning
of this chapter, as affording new information concerning the earliest
periods of Chaldaean history.
A most interesting inscription has recently been discovered by Capt.
Cros at Telloh, which throws considerable light on the rivalry which
existed between the cities of Shirpurla and Gishkhu, and at the same
time furnishes valuable material for settling the chronology of the
earliest rulers whose inscriptions have been found at Mppur and their
relations to contemporary rulers in Shirpurla.
PALACE MOUNDS OF THE ANCIENT ASSYRIAN CITY OF NINEVEH.]
The cities of Gishkhu and Shirpurla were probably situated not far from
one another, and their rivalry is typical of the history of the early
city-states of Babylonia. The site of the latter city, as has already
been said, is marked by the mounds of Telloh on the east bank of the
Shatt el-Hai, the natural stream joining the Tigris and Euphrates, which
has been improved and canalized by the dwellers in Southern Babylonia
from the earliest period.
KUYUNJIK, THE PRINCIPAL MOUND MARKING THE SITE OF NINEVEH.]
The site of Gishkhu may be set with considerable probability not far to
the north of Telloh on the opposite bank of the Shatt el-Hai. These
two cities, situated so close to one another, exercised considerable
political influence, and though less is known of Gishkhu than of
the more famous Babylonian cities such as Ur, Brech, and Larsam, her
proximity to Shirpurla gave her an importance which she might not
otherwise have possessed. The earliest knowledge we possess of the
relations existing between Gishkhu and Shirpurla refers to the reign of
Mesilim, King of Kish, the period of whose rule may be provisionally set
before that of Sargon of Agade, i.e, about 4000 B.C.
At this period there was rivalry between the two cities, in consequence
of which Mesilim, King of Kish, was called in as arbitrator. A record of
the treaty of delimitation that was drawn up on this occasion has been
preserved upon the recently discovered cone of Entemena. This document
tells us that at the command of the god Enlil, described as "the king
of the countries," Ningirsu, the chief god of Shirpurla, and the god of
Gishkhu decided to draw up a line of division between their respective
territories, and that Mesilim, King of Kish, acting under the direction
of his own god Kadi, marked out the frontier and set up a stele between
the two territories to commemorate the fixing of the boundary.
This policy of fixing the boundary by arbitration seems to have been
successful, and to have secured peace between Shirpurla and Gishkhu
for some generations. But after a period which cannot be accurately
determined a certain patesi of Gishkhu, named Ush, was filled with
ambition to extend his territory at the expense of Shirpurla. He
therefore removed the stele which Mesilim had set up, and, invading the
plain of Shirpurla, succeeded in conquering and holding a district named
Gu-edin. But Ush's successful raid was not of any permanent benefit to
his city, for he was in his turn defeated by the forces of Shirpurla,
and his successor upon the throne, a patesi named Enakalli, abandoned a
policy of aggression, and concluded with Eannadu, patesi of Shirpurla, a
solemn treaty concerning the boundary between their realms, the text of
which has been preserved to us upon the famous Stele of Vultures in the
Louvre.*
* A fragment of this stele is also preserved in the British
Museum. It is published in Cuneiform Texts in the British
Museum, Pt. vii.
According to this treaty Gu-edin was restored to Shirpurla, and a deep
ditch was dug between the two territories which should permanently
indicate the line of demarcation. The stele of Mesilim was restored to
its place, and a second stele was inscribed and set up as a memorial
of the new treaty. Enakalli did not negotiate the treaty on equal terms
with Eannadu, for he only secured its ratification by consenting to pay
heavy tribute in grain for the supply of the great temples of Nin-girsu
and Nina in Shirpurla. It would appear that under Eannadu the power
and influence of Shirpurla were extended over the whole of Southern
Babylonia, and reached even to the borders of Elam. At any rate, it is
clear that during his lifetime the city of Gishkhu was content to remain
in a state of subjection to its more powerful neighbour. But it was
always ready to seize any opportunity of asserting itself and of
attempting to regain its independence.
The characters of the inscription well illustrate the
pictorial origin of the Sumerian system of writing.
Photograph by Messrs. Mansell & Co.
Accordingly, after Eannadu's death the men of Gishkhu again took the
offensive. At this time Urlumma, the son and successor of Enakalli, was
on the throne of Gishkhu, and he organized the forces of the city
and led them out to battle. His first act was to destroy the frontier
ditches named after Ningirsu and Nina, the principal god and goddess of
Shirpurla, which Eannadu, the powerful foe of Gishkhu, had caused to be
dug. He then tore down the stele on which the terms of Eannadu's treaty
had been engraved and broke it into pieces by casting it into the fire,
and the shrines which Eannadu had built near the frontier, and had
consecrated to the gods of Shirpurla, he razed to the ground. But
again Shirpurla in the end proved too strong for Gishkhu. The ruler
in Shirpurla at this time was Enannadu, who had succeeded his brother
Eannadu upon the throne. He marched out to meet the invading forces
of the men of Gishkhu, and a battle was fought in the territory of
Shirpurla. According to one account, the forces of Shirpurla were
victorious, while on the cone of Ente-mena no mention is made of
the issue of the combat. The result may not have been decisive, but
Enannadu's action at least checked Urlumma's encroachments for the time.
It would appear that the death of the reigning patesi in Shirpurla was
always the signal for an attack upon that city by the men of Gishkhu.
They may have hoped that the new ruler would prove a less successful
leader than the last, or that the accession of a new monarch might give
rise to internal dissensions in the city which would weaken Shirpurla's
power of resisting a sudden attack. As Eannadu's death had encouraged
Urlumma to lead out the men of Gishkhu, so the death of Enannadu seemed
to him a good opportunity to make another bid for victory. But this time
the result of the battle was not indecisive. Entemena had succeeded his
father Enannadu, and he led out to victory the forces of Shir-purla. The
battle was fought near the canal Lumma-girnun-ta, and when the men of
Gishkhu were put to flight they left sixty of their fellows lying dead
upon the banks of the canal. Entemena tells us that the bones of these
warriors were left to bleach in the open plain, but he seems to have
buried those of the men of Gishkhu who fell in the pursuit, for he
records that in five separate places he piled up burial-mounds in which
the bodies of the slain were interred. Entemena was not content with
merely inflicting a defeat upon the army of Gishkhu and driving it back
within its own borders, for he followed up his initial advantage and
captured the capital itself. He deposed and imprisoned Urlumma, and
chose one of his own adherents to rule as patesi of Gishkhu in his
stead. The man he appointed for this high office was named Hi, and he
had up to that time been priest in Ninab. Entemena summoned him to his
presence, and, after marching in a triumphal procession from Girsu
in the neighbourhood of Shirpurla to the conquered city, proceeded to
invest him with the office of patesi of Gishkhu.
Entemena also repaired the frontier ditches named after Ningirsu and
Nina, which had been employed for purposes of irrigation as well as for
marking the frontier; and he gave instructions to Hi to employ the men
dwelling in the district of Karkar on this work, as a punishment for
the active part they had taken in the recent raid into the territory of
Shirpurla. Entemena also restored and extended the system of canals
in the region between the Tigris and the Euphrates, lining one of the
principal channels with stone.
Socket Bearing An Inscription Of Entemena, A Powerful
Patesi, Or Viceroy, Of Shirpurla. In the photograph the
gate-socket is resting on its side so as to show the
inscription, but when in use it was set flat upon the ground
and partly buried below the level of the pavement of the
building in which it was used. It was fixed at the side of a
gateway and the pivot of the heavy gate revolved in the
shallow hole or depression in its centre. As stone is not
found in the alluvial soil of Babylonia, the blocks for
gate-sockets had to be brought from great distances and they
were consequently highly prized. The kings and patesis who
used them in their buildings generally had their names and
titles engraved upon them, and they thus form a valuable
class of inscriptions for the study of the early history.
Photograph by Messrs. Man-sell & Co.
He thus added greatly to the wealth of Shirpurla by increasing the area
of territory under cultivation, and he continued to exercise authority
in Gishkhu by means of officers appointed by himself. A record of his
victory over Gishkhu was inscribed by Entemena upon a number of clay
cones, that the fame of it might be preserved in future days to the
honour of Ningirsu and the goddess Nina. He ends this record with a
prayer for the preservation of the frontier. If ever in time to come the
men of Gishkhu should break out across the frontier-ditch of Ningirsu,
or the frontier-ditch of Nina, in order to seize or lay waste the lands
of Shirpurla, whether they be men of the city of Gishkhu itself or men
of the mountains, he prays that Enlil may destroy them and that Ningirsu
may lay his curse upon them; and if ever the warriors of his own city
should be called upon to defend it, he prays that they may be full of
courage and ardour for their task.
The greater part of this information with regard to the struggles
between Gishkhu and Shirpurla, between the period of Mesilim, King of
Kish, and that of Entemena, is supplied by the inscription of the latter
ruler which has been found written around a small cone of clay. There is
little doubt that the text was also engraved by the orders of Entemena
upon a stone stele which was set up, like those of Mesilim and Eannadu,
upon the frontier. Other copies of the inscription were probably
engraved and erected in the cities of Gishkhu and Shirpurla, and to
ensure the preservation of the record Entemena probably had numerous
copies of it made upon small cones of clay which were preserved and
possibly buried in the structure of the temples of Shirpurla. Entemena's
foresight in this matter has been justified by results, for, while his
great memorials of stone have perished, the preservation of one of his
small cones has sufficed to make known to later ages his own and his
forefathers' prowess in their continual contests with their ancient rival
Gishkhu.
After the reign of Entemena we have little information with regard to
the relations between Gishkhu and Shirpurla, though it is probable that
the effects of his decisive victory continued to exercise a moderating
influence on Gishkhu's desire for expansion and secured a period
of peaceful development for Shirpurla without the continual fear of
encroachments on the part of her turbulent neighbour. We may assume that
this period of tranquillity continued during the reigns of Enannadu II,
Enlitarzi, and Lugal-anda, but, when in the reign of Urukagina the men
of Gishkhu once more emerge from their temporary obscurity, they appear
as the authors of deeds of rapine and bloodshed committed on a scale
that was rare even in that primitive age.
In the earlier stages of their rivalry Gishkhu had always been defeated,
or at any rate checked, in her actual conflicts with Shirpurla. When
taking the aggressive the men of Gishkhu seem generally to have confined
themselves to the seizure of territory, such as the district of Gu-edin,
which was situated on the western bank of the Shaft el-Hai and divided
from their own lands only by the frontier-ditch. If they ever actually
crossed the Shaft el-Hai and raided the lands on its eastern bank, they
never ventured to attack the city of Shirpurla itself. And, although
their raids were attended with some success in their initial stages, the
ruling patesis of Shirpurla were always strong enough to check them; and
on most occasions they carried the war into the territory of Gishkhu,
with the result that they readjusted the boundary on their own terms.
But it would appear that all these primitive Chalaean cities were subject
to alternate periods of expansion and defeat, and Shirpurla was not an
exception to the rule. It was probably not due so much to Urukagina's
personal qualities or defects as a leader that Shirpurla suffered
the greatest reverse in her history during his reign, but rather to
Gishkhu's gradual increase in power at a time when Shirpurla herself
remained inactive, possibly lulled into a false sense of security by the
memory of her victories in the past. Whatever may have been the cause of
Gishkhu's final triumph, it is certain that it took place in Urukagina's
reign, and that for many years afterwards the hegemony of Southern
Babylonia remained in her hands, while Shirpurla for a long period
passed completely out of existence as an independent or semi-independent
state.
The evidence of the catastrophe that befell Shirpurla at this period is
furnished by a small clay tablet recently found at Telloh during Captain
Cros's excavations on that site. The document on which the facts in
question are recorded had no official character, and in all probability
it had not been stored in any library or record chamber. The actual spot
at Telloh where it was found was to the north of the mound in which
the most ancient buildings have been recovered, and at the depth of two
metres below the surface. No other tablets appear to have been found
near it, but that fact in itself would not be sufficient evidence on
which to base any theory as to its not having originally formed part of
the archives of the city. Its unofficial character is attested by the
form of the tablet and the manner in which the information upon it is
arranged. In shape there is little to distinguish the document from the
tablets of accounts inscribed in the reign of Urukagina, great numbers
of which have been found recently at Telloh. Roughly square in shape,
its edges are slightly convex, and the text is inscribed in a series of
narrow columns upon both the obverse and the reverse. The text itself
is not a carefully arranged composition, such as are the votive and
historical inscriptions of early Sumerian rulers. It consists of a
series of short sentences enumerating briefly and without detail the
separate deeds of violence and sacrilege performed by the men of Gishkhu
after their capture of the city. It is little more than a catalogue or
list of the shrines and temples destroyed during the sack of the city,
or defiled by the blood of the men of Shirpurla who were slain therein.
No mention is made in the list of the palace of the Urukagina, or of any
secular building, or of the dwellings of the citizens themselves. There
is little doubt that these also were despoiled and destroyed by the
victorious enemy, but the writer of the tablet is not concerned for the
moment with the fate of his city or his fellow citizens. He appears to
be overcome with the thought of the deeds of sacrilege committed against
his gods; his mind is entirely taken up with the magnitude of the
insult offered to the god Ningirsu, the city-god of Shirpurla. His bare
enumeration of the deeds of sacrilege and violence loses little by its
brevity, and, when he has ended the list of his accusations against the
men of Gishkhu, he curses the goddess to whose influence he attributes
their success.
No composition at all like this document has yet been recovered, and as
it is not very long we may here give a translation of the text. It will
be seen that the writer plunges at once into the subject of his
charges against the men of Gishkhu. No historical resume prefaces
his accusations, and he gives no hint of the circumstances that have
rendered their delivery possible. The temples of his city have been
profaned and destroyed, and his indignation finds vent in a mere
enumeration of their titles. To his mind the facts need no comment,
for to him it is barely conceivable that such sacred places of ancient
worship should have been defiled. He launches his indictment against
Gishkhu in the following terms: "The men of Gishkhu have set fire to the
temple of E-ki [... ], they have set fire to Antashura, and they have
carried away the silver and the precious stones therefrom! They have
shed blood in the palace of Tirash, they have shed blood in Abzubanda,
they have shed blood in the shrine of Enlil and in the shrine of the
Sun-god, they have shed blood in Akhush, and they have carried away the
silver and the precious stones therefrom! They have shed blood in the
Gikana of the sacred grove of the goddess Ninmakh, and they have carried
away the silver and the precious stones therefrom! They have shed blood
in Baga, and they have carried away the silver and the precious stones
therefrom! They have shed blood in Abzu-ega, they have set fire to
the temple of Gatumdug, and they have carried away the silver and the
precious stones therefrom, and have destroyed her statue! They have set
fire to the.... of the temple E-anna of the goddess Ninni, and they
have carried away the silver and the precious stones therefrom, and have
destroyed her statue! They have shed blood in Shapada, and they have
carried away the silver and precious stones therefrom! They have....
in Khenda, they have shed blood in the temple of Nindar in the town
of Kiab, and they have carried away the silver and the precious stones
therefrom! They have set fire to the temple of Dumuzi-abzu in the town
of Kinunir, and they have carried away the silver and the precious
stones therefrom! They have set fire to the temple of Lugaluru, and they
have carried away the silver and the precious stones therefrom! They
have shed blood in E-engura, the temple of the goddess Nina, and they
have carried away the silver and the precious stones therefrom! They
have shed blood in Sag..., the temple of Amageshtin, and the silver
and the precious stones of Amageshtin have they carried away! They have
removed the grain from Ginarbaniru, the field of the god Ningirsu,
so much of it as was under cultivation! The men of Gishkhu, by the
despoiling of Shirpurla, have committed a transgression against the god
Ningirsu! The power that is come unto them, from them shall be taken
away! Of transgression on the part of Urukagina, King of Girsu, there
is none. As for Lugalzaggisi, patesi of Gishkhu, may his goddess Ni-daba
bear on her head (the weight of) this transgression!"
Such is the account, which has come down to us from the rough tablet of
some unknown scribe, of the greatest misfortune experienced by Shirpurla
during the long course of her history. Many of the great temples
mentioned in the text as among those which were burnt down and despoiled
of their treasures are referred to more than once in the votive and
historical inscriptions of earlier rulers of Shirpurla, who occupied the
throne before the ill-fated Urukagina. The names of some of them, too,
are to be found in the texts of the later pate-sis of that city, so
that it may be concluded that in course of time they were rebuilt and
restored to their former splendour. But there is no doubt that the
despoiling and partial destruction of Shirpurla in the reign of
Urukagina had a lasting effect upon the fortunes of that city, and
effectively curtailed her influence among the greater cities of Southern
Babylonia.
We may now turn our attention to the leader of the men of Gishkhu, under
whose direction they achieved their final triumph over their ancient,
and for long years more powerful, rival Shirpurla. The writer of our
tablet mentions his name in the closing words of his text when he curses
him and his goddess for the destruction and sacrilege that they have
wrought. "As for Lugalzaggisi," he says, "patesi of Gishkhu, may his
goddess Nidaba bear on her head (the weight of ) this transgression!"
Now the name of Lugalzaggisi has been found upon a number of fragments
of vases made of white calcite stalagmite which were discovered by Mr.
Haynes during his excavations at Nippur. All the vases were engraved
with the same inscription, so that it was possible by piecing the
fragments of text together to obtain a more or less complete copy of
the records which were originally engraved upon each of them. From
these records we learned for the first time, not only the name of
Lugalzaggisi, but the fact that he founded a powerful coalition of
cities in Babylonia at what was obviously a very early period in the
history of the country. In the text he describes himself as "King of
Erech, king of the world, the priest of Ana, the hero of Nidaba, the
son of Ukush, patesi of Gishkhu, the hero of Nidaba, the man who was
favourably regarded by the sure eye of the King of the Lands (i.e.
the god Enlil), the great patesi of Enlil, unto whom understanding was
granted by Enki, the chosen of the Sun-god, the exalted minister of
Enzu, endowed with strength by the Sun-god, the worshipper of Ninni, the
son who was conceived by Nidaba, who was nourished by Ninkharsag with
the milk of life, the attendant of Umu, priestess of Erech, the servant
who was trained by Ninagidkhadu, the mistress of Erech, the great
minister of the gods." Lugalzaggisi then goes on to describe the extent
of his dominion, and he says: "When the god Enlil, the lord of the
countries, bestowed upon Lugalzaggisi the kingdom of the world, and
granted unto him success in the sight of the world, when he filled the
lands with his power, and conquered them from the rising of the sun unto
the setting of the same, at that time he made straight his path from the
Lower Sea of the Tigris and Euphrates unto the Upper Sea, and he granted
him dominion over all from the rising of the sun unto the setting of the
same, so that he caused the lands to dwell in peace."
Now when first the text of this inscription was published there existed
only vague indications of the date to be assigned to Lugalzaggisi and
the kingdom that he founded. It was clear from the titles which he bore,
that, though Gishkhu was his native place, he had extended his authority
far beyond that city and had chosen Erech as his capital. Moreover,
he claimed an empire extending from "the Lower Sea of the Tigris and
Euphrates unto the Upper Sea." There is no doubt that the Lower Sea here
mentioned is the Persian Gulf, and it has been suggested that the Upper
Sea may be taken to be the Mediterranean, though it may possibly have
been Lake Van or Lake Urmi. But whichever of these views might be
adopted, it was clear that Lugalzaggisi was a great conqueror, and had
achieved the right to assume the high-sounding title of lugal halama,
"king of the world." In these circumstances it was of the first
importance for the study of primitive Chaldaean history and chronology
to ascertain approximately the period at which Lugalzaggisi reigned.
The evidence on which such a question could be provisionally settled was
of the vaguest and most uncertain character, but such as it was it
had to suffice, in the absence of more reliable data. In settling all
problems connected with early Chaldaean chronology, the starting-point
was, and in fact still is, the period of Sargon I, King of Agade,
inasmuch as the date of his reign is settled, according to the reckoning
of the scribes of Nabonidus, as about 3800 B.C. It is true that this
date has been called in question, and ingenious suggestions for amending
it have been made by some writers, while others have rejected it
altogether, holding that it merely represented a guess on the part of
the late Babylonians and could be safely ignored in the chronological
schemes which they brought forward. But nearly every fresh discovery
made in the last few years has tended to confirm some point in the
traditions current among the later Babylonians with regard to the
earlier history of their country. Consequently, reliance may be placed
with increased confidence on the truth of such traditions as a
whole, and we may continue to accept those statements which yet await
confirmation from documents more nearly contemporary with the early
period to which they refer. It is true that such a date as that assigned
by Nabonidus to Sargon is not to be regarded as absolutely fixed, for
Nabonidus is obviously speaking in round numbers, and we may allow for
some minor inaccuracies in the calculations of his scribes. But it is
certain that the later Babylonian priests and scribes had a wealth of
historical material at their disposal which has not come down to us. We
may therefore accept the date given by Nabonidus for Sargon of Agade
and his son Naram-Sin as approximately accurate, and this is also the
opinion of the majority of writers on early Babylonian history.
The diggings at Nippur furnished indications that certain inscriptions
found on that site and written in a very archaic form of script were
to be assigned to a period earlier than that of Sargon. One class of
evidence was obtained from a careful study of the different levels at
which the inscriptions and the remains of buildings were found. At a
comparatively deep level in the mound inscriptions of Sargon himself
were recovered, along with bricks stamped with the name of Naram-Sin,
his son. It was, therefore, a reasonable conclusion roughly to date the
particular stratum in which these objects were found to the period of
the empire established by Sargon, with its centre at Agade. Later on
excavations were carried to a lower level, and remains of buildings
were discovered which appeared to belong to a still earlier period
of civilization. An altar was found standing in a small enclosure
surrounded by a kind of curb. Near by were two immense clay vases which
appeared to have been placed on a ramp or inclined plane leading up to
the altar, and remains were also found of a massive brick building in
which was an arch of brick. No inscriptions were actually found at this
level, but in the upper level assigned to Sargon were a number of texts
which might very probably be assigned to the pre-Sargonic period. None
of these were complete, and they had the appearance of having been
intentionally broken into small fragments. There was therefore something
to be said for the theory that they might have been inscribed by the
builders of the construction in the lowest levels of the mound, and that
they were destroyed and scattered by some conqueror who had laid their
city in ruins.
But all such evidence derived from noting the levels at which
inscriptions are found is in its nature extremely uncertain and liable
to many different interpretations, especially if the strata show signs
of having been disturbed. Where a pavement or building is still intact,
with the inscribed bricks of the builder remaining in their original
positions, conclusions may be confidently drawn with regard to the age
of the building and its relative antiquity to the strata above and below
it. But the strata in the lowest levels at Nippur, as we have seen, were
not in this condition, and such evidence as they furnished could only be
accepted if confirmed by independent data. Such confirmation was to be
found by examination of the early inscriptions themselves.
It has been remarked that most of them were broken into small pieces,
as though by some invader of the country; but this was not the case with
certain gate-sockets and great blocks of diorite which were too hard
and big to be easily broken. Moreover, any conqueror of a city would be
unlikely to spend time and labour in destroying materials which might
be usefully employed in the construction of other buildings which he
himself might erect. Stone could not be obtained in the alluvial plains
of Babylonia and had to be quarried in the mountains and brought great
distances.
Socket Bearing An Inscription of Uk-Engur, An Early King
of The City Of Ur. Photograph by Messrs. Mansell & Co.
From any building of his predecessors which he razed to the ground, an
invader would therefore remove the gate-sockets and blocks of stone for
his own use, supposing he contemplated building on the site. If he left
the city in ruins and returned to his own country, some subsequent king,
when clearing the ruined site for building operations, might come across
the stones, and he would not leave them buried, but would use them for
his own construction. And this is what actually did happen in the case
of some of the building materials of one of these early kings, from the
lower strata of Nippur. Certain of the blocks which bore the name of
Lugalkigubnidudu had been