Root Begin To Take Hold
Proprietors indifferent to their engagements--Extent to which
settlement was effected--Complaints of the People of
nonfulfilment of engagements--Character of the Reply--The
influence of the Proprietors with the Home Government--The Duke
of Kent--Proposal in 1780 to name the Island New Ireland--The name
adopted--Formation of Light Infantry, and Volunteer
Horse--Immigration of Highlanders--Memoir
f General Fanning.
As proof that the great body of the proprietors were utterly
indifferent to the engagements they contracted when they obtained their
lands, it is only necessary to state that in only ten of the sixty-seven
townships into which the island was divided were the terms of settlement
complied with, during the first ten years which had elapsed since
possession was granted. In nine townships settlement was partially
effected, and in forty-eight no attempt whatever at settlement seems to
have been made. In 1797, or thirty years after the grants were issued,
the house of assembly, sensible of the necessity of taking action for
the more effectual settlement of the island, passed a series of
resolutions,--founded on a deliberate and painstaking investigation of
all the townships,--which were embodied in a petition to the home
government, praying that measures should be taken to compel proprietors
to fulfil the conditions on which the land had been granted. The
assembly drew attention to the following facts: That, on twenty-three
specified townships, consisting of four hundred and fifty-eight thousand
five hundred and eighty acres, not one settler was resident; that on
twelve townships the population consisted only of thirty-six families,
which, on an average of six persons to each family, numbered in the
aggregate two hundred and sixteen souls, who thus constituted the entire
population of more than half of the island. On these and other grounds,
it appeared to the house that the failure of so many of the proprietors
in implementing the terms and conditions of their grants was highly
injurious to the growth and prosperity of the island, ruinous to its
inhabitants, and destructive of the just expectations and views of the
government in its settlement. The house contended that the long
forbearance of the government, towards the proprietors who had failed to
do their duty, had no other effect than to enable them to speculate on
the industry of the colony. The house was of opinion that the island, if
fully settled, was adequate for the maintenance of half a million of
inhabitants, and it prayed that the proprietors should be either
compelled to do their duty, or that their lands should be escheated, and
granted to actual settlers.
The petition embodying these views was forwarded to the Duke of
Portland,--the colonial secretary at the time,--and the force of its facts
and arguments seems to have been felt by the government, for a despatch
was sent to Governor Fanning, intimating that measures would be adopted
to rectify the grave evils enumerated in the petition. The process of
escheat was not, however, acceptable to the proprietors who had done
their duty by settling their lands, for the obvious reason, that in the
event of free grants being made of the forfeited property, the tenants
on the already-settled laud would prefer to give up their farms and
become proprietors. In conformity with the promise made by government,
Governor Fanning, in his speech to the assembly in November, 1802, said
that he had the satisfaction to inform them, on the highest authority,
that the public affairs of the island had been brought under the
consideration of His Majesty's ministers in a manner highly favorable to
the late humble and dutiful representations made on behalf of the
inhabitants, respecting the many large, unsettled, and uncultivated
tracts of land in the island. In order to give effect to the measures
which had been adopted by His Majesty's ministers, it would be necessary
that the government of the island should be prepared to adopt, when
circumstances should render it advisable, the requisite and legal steps
for effectually revesting in His Majesty such lands as might be liable
to be escheated. The house, in their reply to the address, requested a
more explicit statement from his excellency as to the information which
he had received on this important subject; to which his excellency
replied, that he had already presented all the information which it was
in his power to furnish. It does indeed seem strange that the governor
should have been instructed to refer officially to measures which "had
been adopted" by the home government for the rectification of an
admitted evil, and yet was apparently unable to explain the character of
these measures for the guidance of the assembly in a branch of
legislation which they were unequivocally invited to adopt. Such
mysterious reticence was in direct opposition to ordinary governmental
procedure in similar cases. But the local government, never dilatory in
business connected with escheat, prepared a bill entitled "An act for
effectually revesting in His Majesty, his heirs and successors, all such
lands as are, or may be, liable to forfeiture within this island," which
was passed by the assembly and assented to by the governor on the second
of April, 1803. It did seem a mockery of the assembly when that bill
was, contrary to the expectations of the people, disallowed by the home
government, without any reason assigned. A committee on the state of the
colony accordingly drew up a strong and spirited remonstrance, in which
they boldly said:
"It appears to the committee, and they have the strongest reason to
believe, that the royal assent to the said act for reinvesting His
Majesty with such lands as are or may be liable to forfeiture within
this island, has been graciously approved by His Majesty." They then
expressed their conviction, which was well founded, that the formal
royal allowance had been withheld by means of unfounded representations
of interested individuals in England. The committee sent these
resolutions to William and Thomas Knox, the agents for the island in
London, with instructions to use their utmost efforts to give effect to
the remonstrance; and the house of assembly also presented an address to
the lieutenant-governor, complaining of the efforts that had been made
to render His Majesty's intentions abortive, requesting him to transmit
their petition and resolutions to Lord Castlereagh, and duplicates to
the Earl of Liverpool, president of the Committee of the Privy Council
for Trade and Plantations. The house also appointed a committee,
consisting of Holland, Macgowan, Stewart, Palmer, and Macdonald, to draw
up a new bill, substantially the same as the former, which was duly
passed. Nothing was wanting on the part of the assembly to neutralize
the influence brought to bear in London in order to frustrate their
intentions; and if the British government had not on this occasion lost
its usual character for consistency and adherence to principles, so
explicitly enunciated, the royal intentions, as intimated by the
lieutenant-governor, would have been honestly carried out. The period
was one of great political excitement in London. Lord Hobart, through
whom the governor had received a solemn promise that the evil complained
of would be rectified, had given place in the colonial secretaryship to
the exciteable Castlereagh, and the solemn obligations of office appear
to have been forgotten in the political fermentation of the moment. It
would be difficult to point out, in the history of the British colonial
administration, another instance where the dictates of political
consistency and honor were so flagrantly disregarded as in the case
under review.
The influence exerted on government by the proprietors resident in
London seemed irresistible, and was such as no government of our time
could tolerate. The key to their power seems to be found in the
circumstances that they were, for the most part, men in intimate social
relations with parties in office, and, moreover, mainly consisted of
officers who were supposed to have rendered good service in time of war,
and whose complaints or representations, therefore, commanded at all
times the royal consideration and sympathy. The proprietors, besides,
cultivated the good-will and friendship of the under-secretaries, and
other secondary government officials, who kept them informed of what was
going on, and contributed in many indirect ways to promote their views.
Mr. Stuart, in his letters to Governor Patterson,--who was by no means
distinguished for the suaviter in modo,--frequently urged him to write
certain persons in the government offices in a conciliatory and friendly
manner, as he was convinced that they could exert no small influence in
behalf of his interests. The proprietors not only succeeded in
preventing the resolutions commended by the Duke of Portland from
leading to any practical result, but also in obtaining, in 1802, an
important reduction in the quitrents which remained unpaid, and which
now amounted to the large sum of fifty-nine thousand one hundred and
sixty-two pounds sterling; the sum due on some of the townships being
actually more than their estimated value. In order to discriminate
between the proprietors who had exerted themselves to carry out the
terms of their grants, and those who had not, the government divided the
commutation into four classes, requiring from the proprietors who had on
their property the necessary number of settlers only five years'
quitrents, instead of thirty-two years',--namely, from 1769 to 1801,--and
making a proportionate deduction in the case of the four other classes.
But as evidence of the determination of many of the landowners not to
conform to the law, and their confidence in their own power to set the
regulations of government at defiance,--as they had hitherto
systematically done,--it may be here stated, that even the reduced amount
does not seem to have been paid; and it was mainly in consequence of
such daring and long-continued violation of obligation that the people,
from time to time, in paroxysms of just indignation, demanded the
establishment of courts of escheat.
In 1794, Prince Edward--afterwards Duke of Kent, and father of Her
Majesty the Queen--arrived in Halifax. In that year two provincial
companies were raised for the protection of the island, and when His
Royal Highness became commander-in-chief of the forces in British North
America, he ordered new barracks to be erected at Charlottetown, and
defensive works for the protection of the harbor to be constructed. The
Duke never visited the island, but its inhabitants were duly sensible of
the practical interest he took in its welfare; and having determined
that its name should be changed, on account of the mistakes incident to
other towns bearing the same designation, a local act was introduced in
1798, which changed the name to Prince Edward Island, which act received
the royal allowance on the first of February, 1799. We find that in the
year 1780, an act for altering the name of the island from Saint John to
that of New Ireland was passed in the assembly with a suspending clause.
In a letter addressed by Mr. Stuart to governor Patterson, dated the
third of March, 1781, he says: "Your passing an act to change the name
of the island is considered as a most unprecedented instance of
irregularity. The reasons you give why it should be changed are admitted
to be of some force, but they insist upon it that you ought, in common
decency, to have set forth those reasons in a petition to the King,
instead of passing a presumptuous act which is neither warranted by law
nor usage." This act was, of course, disallowed; but the governor did
not lose sight of the hint as to petitioning, as appears from a passage
in another letter from Stuart to Governor Patterson, dated, October,
1783, in which he says: "I am not unmindful of your petition for
changing the name of the island, but I keep it back till we shall have
carried points of more importance. When they are accomplished, I shall
bring it forward." Had the first application been made by petition to
the King, it is extremely probable that the proposed change of name
would have been adopted.
Besides the two companies mentioned, a light infantry company and three
troops of volunteer horse were formed in the island, who were handsomely
clothed and mounted at their own expense, and armed at the expense of
the government; at this time every man from sixteen to sixty years of
age was subject to the militia laws. These wise precautions prevented
any hostile descent on the island during the war, and tended to infuse a
spirit of self-reliance and patriotic ardor into the community.
If the reduction of the quitrents failed as an inducement to the
proprietors to pay what was now really due to government, it did not
fail to lead to brisk business in the sale of property, for from the
commutation to the year 1806, nearly a third of the entire land in the
island had been transferred by purchase to persons, many of whom were
really determined, by industry and strict regard to law, to make the
venture permanently profitable.
The year 1803 was remarkable in the history of the island for a large
immigration of highlanders from Scotland. The Earl of Selkirk brought
out to his property about eight hundred souls. They were located on land
north and south of Point Prim, which had been previously occupied by
French settlers, but a large portion of which was now again covered with
wood, and thus rendered difficult of cultivation. Many of his lordship's
tenants became successful settlers.
Lieutenant-General Fanning's connection with the island, as governor,
terminated in 1804. During his administration the island did not make
any remarkable progress in its various interests; but Mr. John
McGregor,--a native of the island, and of whom we shall have more to say
by-and-bye,--in his work on British North America, has hardly done the
general justice, in representing him as of very "obscure origin, and
owing his future to circumstances, the advantages of which he had the
finesse to seize." General Edmund Fanning was a native of America, and
was born in the Province of New York, on the twenty-fourth of April,
1739. He was the son of James Fanning, a captain in the British service,
and of his second wife Mary Smith, daughter of Colonel William Smith,
who for some time administered the government of New York, and was sole
proprietor of Smith Town, on Long Island. The paternal grandfather of
General Fanning came to America, from Ireland, with Earl Bellemont, in
1699.
Captain James Fanning, having disposed of his commission while in
England, returned to New York in 1748, when his son Edmund, then in the
ninth year of his age, was sent to a preparatory school, and thence
removed to Yale College, New Haven, where, after going through the
regular course of collegiate studies, he received the degrees of
Bachelor and Master of Arts; and in 1774 he was honored by the
University of Oxford, England, with the degree of Doctor of Civil Law.
From college he proceeded to North Carolina, where, after studying two
years under the attorney general of that province, he was, in 1762,
admitted to the bar. He was successful in his profession; but the
troubles of the eventful period in America which followed the passing of
the Stamp Act by the British Parliament, induced him to enter the civil
and military service of his country. In 1765 he was appointed by
Governor Tryon of North Carolina one of the Judges of the Supreme Court
in that province in the room of Mr. Justice Moore, who was dismissed
from office upon the supposition of his favoring the public commotions
at the time existing in North Carolina. In 1768 he raised, at the
request of Governor Tryon, a corps of eight hundred provincials to
oppose and put down a body of insurgents who styled themselves
regulators, whose object was to rescue from trial and punishment leading
rebels. In 1771 he was again called upon by Governor Tryon to raise and
embody a corps of provincials to suppress an insurrection in North
Carolina, and was second to Governor Tryon at the battle of Allamance,
in which action, the insurgents, to the number of twelve thousand, were
totally defeated.
In the year 1773 Colonel Fanning went to England, strongly recommended
to His Majesty's ministers for his services in North Carolina. Having
applied for the office of Chief Justice of Jamaica, he received a letter
from Lord Dartmouth, then secretary of state for the American
department, stating that it was impossible in this case to comply with
his wishes, but that he should have the first vacant post that might be
deemed worthy of his services. Having received this assurance, he
returned to America. Two months after his arrival at New York, he was
appointed to the office of surveyor general of that province, the annual
fees of which were said to be worth two thousand two hundred pounds
sterling. But in the following year Colonel Fanning was driven from his
house in New York, and took refuge on board the Asia, ship of war. He
afterwards served in the army, having raised a regiment called "The
King's American Regiment." During the war he was twice wounded. There is
ample proof that he discharged his military duties with courage and
ability.
On the 24th of February, 1783, Colonel Fanning was appointed
Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, an appointment which he accepted
with a promise from Lords Sydney and North that it should lead to
something better. Subsequently John Parr was appointed
Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, and, as previously stated, Governor
Fanning was ordered to relieve Governor Patterson, of Prince Edward
Island, which he did in the confident expectation that he should succeed
to the government of Nova Scotia on the retirement or death of Parr. In
1791 Fanning was informed of the death of Parr by a letter from Richard
Buckeley, president of the council of Nova Scotia, who concluded by
saying, "as the government of this province, by His Majesty's late
instructions, devolves on you, as senior lieutenant-governor, I
accordingly give you early notice of the vacancy." This information was
received too late in the autumn to admit of Governor Fanning's
proceeding to Halifax, and while making preparations for going thither,
he was informed that the position was conferred on Mr.
Wentworth,--intelligence which caused him great disappointment, as he had
well-founded expectations of succeeding to the government of Nova
Scotia. The governor applied immediately for leave of absence, but was
politely refused, on the ground that his absence might, in time of war,
prove dangerous to the island. After repeated applications, he at last
received a letter from Lord Hobart, dated the 6th of May, 1804, granting
him liberty to return to England after the arrival of Colonel DesBarres,
and informing him that His Majesty had directed that, in consideration
of his long and faithful services, a provision at the rate of five
hundred pounds sterling should be made for him yearly in the estimates
of the island. Addresses were presented to the governor before his
departure, by the council, the respective counties, and the grand jury
of the Island. In 1816 General Fanning closed his accounts at the audit
office, when His Majesty's ministers, to mark their approval of his
administration of the government of the island, directed a retrospective
increase of his salary from the period of his appointment to the colony,
in 1786, to that of his retirement. General Fanning died at his
residence in Upper Seymore Street, London, on the 28th of February,
1818, in the seventy-ninth year of his age.
Here we introduce to our readers the Rev. Theophilus DesBrisay, who, by
royal warrant, dated the twenty-first day of September, 1774, was
appointed to "the parish of Charlotte." Mr. DesBrisay was the son of the
gentleman who has been mentioned as administrator of the island during
the absence of Governor Patterson. He was born in Thurles, in the County
of Tipperary, Ireland, on the ninth of October, 1754, arrived in the
island in the year 1775, and was rector of Charlotte Parish till his
death, which occurred on the fourteenth of March, 1823. He was the only
protestant clergyman on the island till the year 1820; was a man of
sterling character, and a faithful servant of the Divine Master. Like
Bishop McEachern and others, he was subjected, in the faithful discharge
of his sacred duty, to privations of which the present generation have
no adequate conception. [G]