Pei Given To Governor
Determination of the Home Government to dispose of the whole
Island--The manner in which it was effected--Conditions on which
grants were made--Appointment of Walter Patterson as
Governor--Novel duties imposed on him--Callbeck made prisoner by
Americans--Arrival of Hessian Troops--Sale of Land in
1781--Agitation in consequence--Complaints against the Governor,
and his tactics in defence--Governo
superceded, and Colonel
Fanning appointed--Disputes between them--Charges of immorality
against Patterson--His departure from the Island.
Although the government had resolutely opposed the scheme of settlement
proposed by Lord Egmont, yet it was disposed to divide the island among
persons who had claims on the ground of military or other public
services; and it was accordingly determined, in order to prevent
disputes, to make the various allotments by ballot. [C] The Board of
Trade and Plantations accordingly prepared certain conditions, under
which the various grants were to be made. On twenty-six specified lots
or townships a quitrent of six shillings on every hundred acres was
reserved, on twenty-nine lots four shillings, and on eleven lots two
shillings, payable annually on one half of the grant at the expiration
of five years, and on the whole at the expiration of ten years after the
date of the grants. A reservation of such parts of each lot as might
afterwards be found necessary for fortifications or public purposes, and
of a hundred acres for a church and glebe, and of fifty acres for a
schoolmaster, was made, five hundred feet from high-water mark being
reserved for the purpose of a free fishery. Deposits of gold, silver,
and coal were reserved for the Crown. It was stipulated that the grantee
of each township should settle the same within ten years from the date
of the grant, in the proportion of one person for every two hundred
acres; that such settlers should be European foreign protestants, or
such persons as had resided in British North America for two years
previous to the date of the grant; and, finally, that if one-third of
the land was not so settled within four years from the date of the
grant, the whole should be forfeited. Thus the whole island was, in
1767, disposed of in one day, with the exception of lot sixty-six,
reserved for the King, and lots forty and fifty-nine,--which had been
promised to Messrs. Spence, Muir, and Cathcart, and Messrs. Mill,
Cathcart, and Higgens, by the government, in 1764, in consideration of
their having established fisheries, and made improvements on the island,
[D]--and three small reservations, intended for three county towns. A
mandamus addressed to the Governor of Nova Scotia, the island being now
annexed to that province, was handed to each of the proprietors,
instructing the governor to issue the respective grants, on the
conditions specified. In the following year, 1768, a large majority of
the proprietors presented a petition to the King, praying that the
island should be erected into a separate government; that the quitrents
which would become payable, according to stipulation, in 1772, should
become payable from the first of May, 1769, and that the payment of the
remaining half should be deferred for the period of twenty years. This
proposition was accepted by the government, and accordingly Captain
Walter Patterson, one of the island proprietors, was appointed governor.
He, accompanied by other officers, arrived on the island in 1770, at
which period, notwithstanding the conditions of settlement attached to
the land grants, there were only one hundred and fifty families and five
proprietors residing on it. It was calculated by the government that the
quitrents would amount in the aggregate to fourteen hundred and seventy
pounds sterling. The governor was instructed to pay out of that fund the
following annual salaries, in sterling currency: to himself, as
governor, five hundred pounds, to the secretary and registrar, one
hundred and fifty pounds, to the chief justice, two hundred pounds, to
the attorney general, one hundred pounds, to the clerk of the crown and
coroner, eighty pounds, to the provost marshal, fifty pounds, and to a
minister of the Church of England, one hundred pounds. This arrangement
was to remain in force not more than ten years, and in the event of the
quitrents falling short, from any cause, of the required sum, the
salaries were to be diminished in proportion.
The governor was required to perform other duties, which were grossly
unjust, and in some cases beyond human capability. He was, for example,
enjoined by the twenty-sixth and twenty-seventh articles of his
instructions to permit "liberty of conscience to all persons (except
Roman catholics), so they be contented with a quiet and peaceable
enjoyment of the same, not giving offence and scandal to the
government," and he was also "to take especial care that God Almighty
should be devoutly and duly served throughout his government." No
schoolmaster, coming from England, was permitted to teach without a
license from the Bishop of London; and it was assumed in his
instructions that all Christians, save those connected with the Church
of England, were heterodox. Some denominations were, indeed,
tolerated; but in conformity to the bigoted British policy of the
times, Roman catholics were not permitted to settle on the island. This
sectarian policy has borne bitter fruit in Ireland, in the alienation of
a great mass of the Irish people. So deeply has alienation struck its
roots, and so widely spread are its branches, that, notwithstanding
catholic emancipation, its effects are still painfully visible, not only
in Ireland, but also in the masses of the Irish people located in the
United States, as strikingly evinced in the election of the late John
Mitchell, for Tipperary, and in the honors which have been paid to his
memory in the States. More than one generation will pass away ere the
evil effects of unjust anti-catholic legislation are totally obliterated
from the continent of America.
The little progress made in the settlement of the island, from the time
it was granted until the year 1779, is indicated by the fact that no
step had been taken to introduce settlers into all the lots, ranging
from one to sixteen, besides other thirty-three which were in the same
condition. Thus, although more than ten years had elapsed since the
ballot took place, in scarcely a score of lots was there any attempt
made to conform to the conditions attached to the sixty-seven townships.
Notwithstanding the very small population of the island, it was resolved
to grant it a complete constitution. This step the governor was
commanded in his instructions to take as early as possible. "The forming
a lower house of representatives for our said Island of Saint John,"
said His Majesty, "is a consideration that cannot be too early taken up,
for until this object is attainable, the most important interests of the
inhabitants will necessarily remain without that advantage and
protection which can only arise out of the vigor and activity of a
complete constitution." In the year 1773, the first assembly was
convened. The first act passed was one confirming the past proceedings
of the governor and council, and rendering valid all manner of process
and proceedings in the several courts of judicature within the island,
from the first day of May, 1769, to the present session of assembly.
The proposal to pay the government officials in the island from the
amount realized from the quitrents completely failed, as but few of the
proprietors acted as if they had been under obligation to comply with
the conditions on which they obtained their grants. The sum realized
from the amount of quitrents paid was totally inadequate to pay the
official salaries. Hence it was necessary that some other arrangement
should be adopted. The governor was reduced to such straits for want of
money, that he was under the necessity of appropriating three thousand
pounds, granted by parliament for the erection of public buildings in
the island, for the maintenance of himself and the other government
officers. The governor went to England in 1775, when it was agreed that
the proprietors, in order to meet the difficulties of the case, should
present a memorial to the Secretary of State for the colonies, praying
that the civil establishment of the island should be provided for by an
annual parliamentary grant, as in the case of the other colonies. By a
minute of the seventh August, 1776, it was ordered by the government
that the arrears of the quitrents due should be enforced by legal
proceedings, and that the sum thus obtained should be devoted to the
refunding of the amount expended, in a manner incompatible with the
object for which it was voted. The power for the recovery of the
quitrents, with which the governor was thus invested, was not speedily
exercised, as he was anxious not to offend the proprietors, through
whose influence the payment of the civil establishment of the island was
placed on a more satisfactory footing.
During the governor's absence in England the Hon. Mr. Callbeck, being
the senior member of the council, was sworn in as administrator. In
November of that year, a ship from London, having on board a number of
settlers, and loaded with a valuable cargo, was unfortunately wrecked on
the north side of the island. All on board were saved, but the cargo was
either lost, or destroyed to such an extent as to be of little value,--an
accident which involved no small hardship to the inhabitants.
In this year too a memorable incident occurred. Whilst the good people
of Charlottetown were living in apparent security from hostile
aggression, two American armed vessels which had been sent to cruise in
the Gulf of Saint Lawrence, in order to intercept English ordnance
store-ships, supposed to be on the way to Quebec, entered the harbor,
and a landing was effected without any opposition, when the
administrator, Mr. Callbeck, Mr. Wright, the surveyor general, and other
officers of the government were made prisoners, and put with such
valuable booty as the Americans could lay hands on, on board ship, and
conveyed to New England. On arriving at the head-quarters of the
American army, then at Cambridge, General Washington disapproved of the
hostile act, dismissing the principal officers from their commands,
telling them that "they had done those things which they ought not to
have done, and left undone those things which it was their duty to have
done." At the same time he discharged the prisoners with expressions of
regret, and returned all the property.
In the following year the Diligent, an armed brig, was detached by the
admiral, commanding in America, to protect the island, which vessel was
replaced by the Hunter, sloop of war, towards the end of the year, and
which remained till November, 1777. The arrival of the latter vessel was
extremely opportune, as a hostile expedition to the island was being
organized by rebels from Machias, in Massachusetts, who had arrived at
Fort Cumberland, in Nova Scotia. These men paid a visit to Pictou, where
they seized on an armed merchant ship, then loading for Scotland.
Fearing resistance, which they were not in a condition to overcome
successfully, these rebels entered, with their prize, into the Bay of
Verte, for the purpose of receiving reinforcements. But not being
successful in this effort, on account of a defeat at Fort Cumberland,
the vessel was given up to one of the officers, the rebels escaping on
shore. The vessel then came to Charlottetown, where she remained during
the winter.
In 1777 the administrator received instructions from the secretary of
state for the colonies to raise an independent force for the defence of
the island; but from the small number of the male population, which had
been previously considerably reduced by recruiting officers, this force
was never completed. In the following year, however, four provincial
companies were sent from New York, under the command of Major Hierliky,
for whom barracks were erected, under the direction of an engineer from
Nova Scotia, and the island was thus placed in a defensive position,
which greatly reduced the chances of a successful attack during the
American war. With the exception of a few sheep, occasionally taken by
the men of privateers, and some valuable property seized at the harbor
of Saint George (now Georgetown), the inhabitants of the island
experienced no further annoyance from the Americans during the
continuance of the contest. The monotony of Charlottetown was betimes
enlivened during the summer by the presence of the British war vessels
employed in accompanying convoys to Quebec, and the occasional conduct
into the harbor of American privateers which had been captured at sea by
the British cruisers, and whose men were marched as prisoners through
the woods to Halifax.
An interesting trial took place in Charlottetown in 1779, in the case of
Thomas Mellish, v. the Convoy ship Dutchess of London, which Mr.
Mellish seized for smuggling. The trial lasted for several months. Mr.
Mellish was an officer in the First Troop of Horse Guards, and served
also in the colonial military service. He was a member of the house of
assembly, and held the office of collector of customs and other public
positions for many years. His son, Thomas Mellish, died at an advanced
age in 1859. Referring to his death, the Islander describes him as a
most loyal British subject, and a devoted adherent of the Church of
England.
Towards the end of October, 1779, the town of Charlottetown received a
temporary accession to its inhabitants, by the arrival of the Hessian
regiment of Knyphansen, under convoy of the war ship Camilla. Severe
gales were encountered in the River Saint Lawrence, which compelled the
ship to take refuge in the island. The troops were landed, and there
being no barrack accommodation for them, some succeeded in hutting
themselves most comfortably. Some of the men were suffering from fever,
but speedily recovered, on account of the admirable character of the
climate. The town supply of provisions was utterly inadequate to meet
the demand occasioned by so large an addition to the population, but the
farmers soon made up the deficiency, and the Hessians remained till the
month of June, when they left for their destination. Not a few of the
men were so favorably impressed with the island, that they returned to
it from Germany, many years afterwards, and became industrious settlers.
Governor Patterson returned to the island in 1780, relieving the
Honorable T. DesBrisay, who had succeeded Mr. Callbeck as administrator;
and shortly after his arrival he appointed Mr. Nisbet, his
brother-in-law, then clerk of the council, to the office of the receiver
of quitrents. It was now determined by the governor to enforce a law
passed by the assembly in 1773, "for the effectual recovery of certain
of His Majesty's quitrents in the Island of Saint John," and in
conformity to the treasury minute of the seventh of August, 1776, to
which reference has already been made. Accordingly, early in 1781,
proceedings were commenced in the supreme court against the townships in
arrear of quitrents, as enumerated in the act of 1773, and the sale of a
number of townships was thus effected. These reasonable proceedings were
complained of to the British government, and powerful influence was
brought to bear for the purpose of counteracting them. As the act of
1773, which had been confirmed by His Majesty, only applied to a part of
the lands granted, it was deemed necessary to pass another act in 1781,
which was intended to take a wider scope, and to render the sale of all
lands in the island, where quitrents remained unpaid, legal. This act
had, however, a clause suspending its operation till the King's pleasure
should be known. It appears by a manuscript copy of a report, dated
tenth of July, 1783, by the lords of the committee of council for
plantations, now before us, that this act was referred to Andrew
Jackson, one of the King's council, who reported that, in point of law,
no objection could be made to it; and the same report also furnishes
interesting information as to the considerations by which the government
was influenced in its treatment of the action of the House of Assembly
in regard to land. An application was made in behalf of officers abroad
in the King's service, who were proprietors of land, praying that the
arrears of quitrent due on their lands should be remitted, and that no
proceedings should be taken to dispose of those lands for future arrears
until the conclusion of the war, when they might be enabled to settle
and improve the same. Thomas Townshend, the colonial secretary,
accordingly recommended that no action during the war should be taken
against the property of absent officers. A petition was about the same
time presented by other proprietors of land in the island, reciting the
difficulties peculiarly incident to the island, showing that their
expectations, mainly in consequence of the American war, had proved
abortive, and complaining that many of the allotments in the island had
been sold under the assembly act of 1774, and of the treasury order of
1776, to officers resident in the island, for little more than the
arrears and charges of confiscation. They further prayed for a remission
of the quitrents in arrear, and that in future they might have the
option of paying the quitrents either in London or the island. The
council proceeded, on the first of May, to take these matters into
consideration, when it was agreed "that all such as, on or before the
first of May, 1784, should have paid up all the arrears of quitrent due
upon their respective lots to the first of May, 1783, should, from the
said first of May, 1783, until the first of May, 1789, be exempted from
the payment of more than the quitrent now payable upon each of their
lots, and that, for and during the further term of ten years,--to
commence from the said first of May, 1789,--the same quitrent only as is
now payable on each of their lots should continue to be paid in lieu of
the advanced quitrent, which, by the terms of the grants, would have
become due and payable from the said first of May, 1789." In accordance
with this decision, a bill was prepared, which not only granted the
redress specified in the above quotation, but also disallowed the act of
1781, and repealed the act of 1774, and rendered all the sales effected
under it void, on the payment by the original proprietors of the
purchase-money, interest, and charges incurred by the present holders,
compensation being also required for any improvements made on the lands
since the date of sale. This bill was drawn out in London, and sent to
Governor Patterson in 1784, in order that it might be submitted to and
adopted by the house of assembly. But the governor, having been himself
a purchaser to a large extent of the confiscated property, assumed the
responsibility of postponing official action in the matter, on the
ground that the government was mistaken as to facts connected with the
sale of the land, and, on consulting with the council, it was resolved
to send to the home government a correct representation of the
circumstances under which confiscation took place, in justification of
delay in submitting the bill to the assembly for approval.
A Mr. John Stuart, [E] an intimate friend of Governor Patterson, and who
had resided in London for fourteen years, was in 1781 appointed by the
house of assembly as their London agent. We have been favored with the
perusal of a number of private and confidential letters which passed
between the governor and this gentleman. These throw considerable light
on the island history of this period. The sales of land recently made
excited intense indignation against the governor on the part of those
whose property had been confiscated, who were backed in their
applications for redress by the general body of proprietors. The act
sent to the governor, and which he failed to present to the house of
assembly, was the result of these applications. In the preamble of that
portion of the act which provided for relief to the complainants, it was
stated that the governor and council, on the first day of December,
1780, unanimously resolved, in order to give absent proprietors whose
lands were liable to be sold an opportunity of relieving their property,
that no sales should take place until the first Monday of November
following, and that in the meantime the colonial agent in London should
be instructed to inform the proprietors of the proposed sale; and
"whereas," runs the act, "notwithstanding such determination and
resolution, no such notice was given by the colonial agent to the
proprietors, it seems reasonable that they should obtain effectual
relief in the premises." It is only fair that the governor should be
allowed to reply in his own words, as contained in a letter now before
us, which he addressed to his friend Stuart on the twelfth of May, 1783.
In order that a portion of that letter may be understood, it is
necessary to say that Captain McDonald, one of the proprietors resident
in London, had written a pamphlet reflecting on the conduct of the
governor in disposing of the land, which contributed in no small degree,
as Mr. Stuart affirms, in causing the act of relief to be prepared.
After referring to business matters, which have no bearing on our story,
the governor says: "What appears most pressing at present is to say
something in answer to my friend Captain McDonald's proceedings. But
first I must express my astonishment at your not having received any
letters from me since December, 1781. I wrote and sent two by the
express, which went to the continent in February, 1782,--not to you,
indeed, because I thought you had sailed for India; but Mr. Townshend
received them, I am certain, for I have answers to them from you. I
wrote a long one to you in October, 1782, on a variety of subjects. If
this letter has not reached you, I am very unfortunate, as I have no
copy of it. I wrote you three others in the course of the winter, copies
of which shall accompany this, though they will be now, I fear, of
little use, except to show that I have not been idle, or negligent in my
attention to the interests of this government. If I succeed, I may be
rewarded by my own feelings, but as to any grateful returns, I expect
them not. In bodies of men there is no such virtue as gratitude, nor
indeed but very rarely in individuals. I feel this, and in few instances
more sensibly than in the behaviour of Captain McDonald. Believe me, my
friend, I have rendered him and his family many disinterested and
essential services; nor do I know that I can let an opportunity slip of
doing so, when in my power. But now, when he thinks his interest is in
the least affected, he becomes my enemy, and that, too, in a matter
where I am only a spectator, or rather, when I ought to have been only
such; for the fact is, I did step out of my line in the business of
forfeiting the lots, but then it was only to continue my wonted practice
to benefit the proprietors. For this purpose I advised sending the
advertisements to England, which the law did not require. I, by the
advice of council, postponed the sales from time to time, in hopes the
proprietors would take some steps in consequence of the advertisements,
and, with this view, prevented their taking place till the latter end of
November, when every hope was over. This the law did not require, and
the advertisements not reaching England in time was not my fault, as the
resolution of council directing their being sent is dated twenty-sixth
November, 1780, and the sales did not take place for a year afterwards.
I did more: I prevented all the lots from being sold belonging to
proprietors who I knew were inclined to improve their lands, and this I
did by taking the debt upon myself, which was not required by the law,
nor perhaps in justice to my own family; nor do I believe there is an
instance of such conduct in any other man. Among the number so saved is
the lot belonging to this same Captain McDonald, though I had no hopes
of his paying his quitrents, or of his doing any one thing relative to
the settling of it; for he has repeatedly told me himself that he would
not, as he thought he had engaged to pay too much money for it to the
chief baron from whom he bought it. What I did was out of tenderness to
his sisters, who live upon the lot, and to give him time to think
better. I saved Lord Townshend's, the chief baron's, etc., and, in
short, what I thought worth the saving,--and all at my own risk. I have
done still more, for I have prevented any further sales since the first.
This I also did for the benefit of the proprietors, knowing the lands
would not bring their value; and I did it at the risk of my commission,
for I did it in the face of a positive order from the treasury. So far,
I hope I am not to blame.
"As to the regularity and legality of the proceedings in other respects,
I am not accountable. The lands were seized in terms of a law passed
near ten years since, and the proceedings conducted by the law
officers,--I have no doubt properly.
"There is some idea, I find, of rescinding the purchases, and that
government will order it. Whoever has formed such an idea must have
strange notions of government. Government may order me; and, if I have a
mind to be laughed at, I may issue my orders to the purchasers; but can
anyone believe they will be obeyed? Surely not; nor would I be an
inhabitant of any country where such a power existed. My money may with
as much justice be ordered out of my pocket, or the bread out of my
mouth. A governor has just as much power to do the one as the other. I
should like to know what opinion you would have of a country where the
validity of public contracts depended on the will of the governor.
"The purchases were made in the very worst period of the war, when the
property was very precarious indeed, and when no man in England would
have given hardly a guinea for the whole island. It is now peace, and
fortunately we still remain a part of the British Empire. The lands are
consequently esteemed more valuable, and the proprietors have become
clamorous for their loss. Had the reverse taken place,--had the island
been ceded to France,--let me ask, what would have been the consequence?
Why, the purchasers would have lost their money, and the proprietors
would have been quiet, hugging themselves on their own better judgment.
There can be no restoring of the lots which were sold. There has not
been a lot sold on which a single shilling has been expended by way of
settlement, nor upon which there has been a settler placed; so that
those proprietors who have expended money in making settlements have no
cause of complaint."
Complaints had been made to the home government, of which Mr. Stuart had
informed the governor, that a large quantity of the land disposed of had
been bought for trifling sums by the governor and other officials of the
island. The truth of this charge was acknowledged by the governor, for
he says in the letter from which we have quoted so largely: "That the
officers of the government have made purchases is certain, and that I
have made some myself is also as certain; but I should be glad to know
who would be an officer of government if, by being such, he was deprived
of his privileges as a citizen."
Mr. Stuart writes the governor on the twenty-ninth of June, 1783, that
he received, on the twenty-second of April, three letters from him,
dated respectively, thirtieth November, first and seventh December,
1782, and in reference to the sales of land which had been effected,
remarks: "The time of the sale, in the midst of a distressful war, when
there could be neither money nor purchasers; the rigid condition of
obliging the proprietors to pay their quitrents in the island, and not
giving at least a twelvemonth's notice of the sale in England, as well
as in the island, are everywhere urged and admitted as sound arguments
against the confiscation of lands in an infant colony, and I must
frankly confess that they have too much force in them to be totally
denied."
Whilst it is impossible to deny that Governor Patterson had ample
governmental authority to dispose of the lands, yet his doing so before
he had any evidence whatever that the advertisements sent had obtained
the desired publicity, or even that his letters had reached their
destination, was, to say the least, a most unreasonable proceeding, and
constituted sufficient ground of grave complaint against his conduct.
That as an intending purchaser he had a material interest in bringing
the lands speedily to the hammer, cannot be denied; and that after so
many years had elapsed since the act and the treasury minute by which a
sale of the townships whose quitrents were in arrears was rendered
legal, he should have chosen a period for the sale when, according to
his own confession, capitalists might not be disposed to give a guinea
for the island, seems to import that the governor had, in the conduct of
the business, consulted his own interest rather than that of the
proprietors. This impression is deepened by the proceedings which
followed.
It has been already stated that, on receiving from England the act which
was intended to restore the property sold to the original holders, he
had delayed to submit it to the house of assembly. Believing that the
present house would pass the act in question, in the event of his being
again ordered to submit it for their approval, he resolved dissolution
of the house, and to exert his influence in obtaining one better suited
to his purpose. He accordingly carried out his resolution early in 1784,
and, in March following, a general election took place, and the
legislature met soon after. It is a most significant indication of the
state of public opinion at this time, in reference to the governor's
conduct in so hastily disposing of the lands, that the new house,
instead of approving of the governor's conduct, resolved to present a
complaint against him to the King, and was actually engaged in framing
it, when a dissolution, by command of the governor, again took place.
His Excellency, appreciating the importance of the crisis to himself
personally, determined to leave no means untried to secure an assembly
favorable to his views. The danger was imminent; for the recent
proceedings were adopted by the house in ignorance of the views of the
home government as to the governor's conduct, which he had carefully
concealed, and which were known only to the council, who were bound by
oath to secrecy. He expected an order from England to submit the dreaded
act to the house, and was most desirous that, before that could be done,
the forthcoming house should pledge itself to an approval of the sales
of 1781, and thus neutralize the effect which a knowledge of the
intended disapproval of the previous assembly might produce on the home
government.
Circumstances favored his design. New York having been evacuated by the
British troops, many of them had resolved to settle in the island. A
large number of loyalists were now leaving the States and settling in
Nova Scotia. Efforts were made by the governor to induce some of them to
settle in the island. In addressing Mr. Stuart in 1783, he says, in
reference to this subject: "I do not as yet hear, notwithstanding my
efforts, of any of the loyalists coming this way. They have all gone to
Nova Scotia, through the influence of Mr. Watson. I will not, however,
as yet despair of having a part. I am sending a person among them on
purpose, and at my own expense, to carry our terms and to invite some of
the principal people to our lands. If they will but come,--and depend on
the evidence of their own senses,--I am certain they will prefer this
island to any of the uncultivated parts of Nova Scotia. It is
exceedingly unlucky that my despatches of last November did not reach
you in time. Had the proprietors sent an agent to New York, offering
liberal terms to the loyalists, they would have reaped more benefit
thereby than by all the memorials they will ever deliver to government."
We find, by a letter from Mr. Stuart to the governor, dated a month
later than that from which a quotation has just been given, that the
proprietors were sensible of the importance of presenting inducements to
the loyalists, for they subscribed liberally to a fund raised for the
purpose of conveying them to the island. Orders were issued to the
governor to apportion part of the land to the loyalists; the attorney
general was to make out the deeds of conveyance without any expense to
the proprietors, who were to be exonerated from the quitrents of such
shares of their land as were granted to the loyalists. In consequence of
these arrangements, a considerable number of loyalists were induced to
come to the island, to whom the governor paid due attention, and whose
votes he had no difficulty in securing at the coming election. In order
to complicate matters still more, and throw additional obstacles in the
way of the much dreaded act, he took care that not a few of the
allotments made to the refugees should be on the lands sold in 1781.
Being thus fortified for the coming battle, he determined to risk
another election in March, 1785, when he secured the return of a house
bound to his interests, which Mr. Stewart, of Mount Stewart--on whose
testimony implicit reliance can be placed--assures us "was not
accomplished without a severe struggle, much illegal conduct, and at an
expense to the governor and his friends of nearly two thousand pounds
sterling." The time of the assembly was, to a considerable extent, taken
up during the session by proceedings which had a tendency to produce a
favorable impression as to the governor's acts. Not a word was said in
the house regarding the proceedings of 1781; but, when the house met in
the following year, the governor determined that a measure should be
adopted which would frustrate any attempt to render the sales of 1781
futile. To effect this object, he caused a measure to be introduced
entitled "An act to render good and valid in law all and every of the
proceedings in the years one thousand seven hundred and eighty and one
thousand seven hundred and eighty-one, which in every respect related to
or concerned the suing, seizing, condemning, or selling of the lots or
townships hereinafter mentioned, or any part thereof." This act was
adopted without scruple by the assembly, but was disallowed by His
Majesty; and, affording as it did convincing proof of the governor's
determination to act in opposition to his instructions, led to his being
superceded in his office.
Mr. Stuart, the London agent for the island, fought at all times
resolutely for the governor, using all the means in his power to place
his character and transactions in a favorable light before the
government and proprietors. Having obtained information from reliable
sources as to the intentions of the government in reference to the
governor, he addressed a letter to him on the 19th of June, 1786,
informing him of the decision as to his recall. This manuscript
communication, now before us, is especially interesting and valuable, as
showing that, after its receipt, Governor Patterson could not have been
mistaken as to the nature of the recall, and as accounting for some of
his subsequent proceedings. Mr. Stuart says: "Your brother will have
acquainted you with the caballing and intrigueing of your opponents to
effect your removal, and of the invincible silence, or rather
sullenness, of office with regard to their real and ultimate intentions
towards you. Mr. Nepean, I think, has indeed opened himself at last, and
given a pretty plain clew to their disposition not to support you. He
told your brother very lately that Lord Sydney had sent you the King's
leave of absence. This is surely a plain indication, especially after
you were required to answer charges, and those answers still remain
unheard and undecided upon, although your brother has made repeated
application, and even memorialized the council for a hearing. The real
cause and design of this extraordinary and unfair step neither your
brother nor I has yet been able to develop. Mr. Nepean endeavored to
gloss it over by many specious assurances and declarations that it
proceeded from no hostile intentions, but was meant only to afford you
an opportunity of effectually vindicating your conduct, and refuting the
many accusations which had been sent home against you; in which event,
he said, you would return to your government with additional honor and
support. He may think these will pass as very plausible motives; but
what as to their reality? I can only construe it as a measure, of great
and unnecessary severity,--I might say injustice. It is not customary to
call home governors until their conduct has been investigated and
adjudged. They may put what construction they please upon the gentle
terms, 'leave of absence,' but if you think it incumbent to accept this
leave of absence, it must appear in the eyes of the world as an absolute
recall. This is an event, my dear friend, which I have long dreaded; and
what adds inexpressibly to the poignancy of my present feelings, is that
I know not how to offer you advice in a situation of so much delicacy;
for if you disobey this insidious order, your character may suffer in
the public estimation, and if you obey it, your fortune may eventually
be materially injured. It is indeed a cruel alternative, but it is a
case in which you alone can be a competent judge.
"This business has been managed with so much secrecy, or, at least, it
has been so studiously concealed from your friends, that we have not
been able to learn when your leave of absence was sent out, or whether,
indeed, it be yet gone. In case of your removal, your brother has picked
up some intimation that Colonel Fanning, Lieutenant Governor of Nova
Scotia, is likely to be your successor. In the present temper and
disposition of office, I fear that your brother's succession would be
more difficult than to sustain you in the government. I am exceedingly
anxious to learn the fate of the quitrent bill. I hope the assembly may
have passed it in some shape, and that the sales have been revoked. This
is intelligence which should have arrived ere this time. I fear that
your long silence and delay on this head is construed into contumacy and
resistance. Your enemies here are busy and fertile in their
insinuations."
Anxious to serve his friend the governor, Stuart, under pressure from
that gentleman's brother, addressed a letter on the twenty-sixth of
February, 1786, to Lord Sydney, though doubtful of the propriety and
policy of the act, in which he states that he received a letter from the
governor, intimating that he (the governor) was aware that reports had
been circulated in England grossly misrepresenting his motives in having
purchased some of the lots escheated under the quitrent act of 1774,--the
governor declaring that his sole motive in making these purchases was to
secure to himself a part of the very old arrears due to him for
salary,--an act which he conceived to be strictly legal,--and stating that
he had bought the lands at their full value. The governor was prepared,
as stated in his letter, to restore what he had bought on his being
reimbursed the amount of the purchase-money, with interest, agreeably to
their lordships' resolution in 1783.
Stuart's letter, from which we have quoted so largely, was received by
the governor on the tenth of October, 1786, and it is extremely probable
that it was by the same mail that he also received official information
of his having been superceded in the government of the island, and
commanded to submit to the assembly the act rendering the sales of 1781
voidable,--of which another copy was now sent,--which had come to his
hands two years previously, but with regard to which no action had been
yet taken. The governor, as if sensible of his extreme folly in
disregarding the royal instructions, submitted the measure to the house
of assembly; and the bill was read for the first time on the first of
November, and for the second, on the tenth of the same month; but it was
subsequently decently interred by a house which was guided by the
significant nods of the governor. But, in order to conciliate the home
government, his excellency caused a private bill to be introduced,
providing for the restoration of the escheated land to the proprietors,
but so contrived that, even if carried out, the heavy payments required
to be made counterbalanced any benefits that could be derived from its
adoption. When the character of this measure became known to the
proprietors, they brought a criminating complaint against the superceded
governor and the council, which, on being investigated by the committee
of privy council, led to the dismissal of the members of council
implicated, as well as that of the attorney general. No further action
against Governor Patterson was deemed necessary, as he had been already
dismissed.
Early in November, Lieutenant-Governor Fanning arrived from Nova Scotia
to assume the government of the island; but Mr. Patterson refused to
give up the reins of office, on the ground that the season was too far
advanced for his return to England,--the appointment of Fanning being
regarded by Patterson as only intended to supply his place during his
own temporary absence. Mr. Stewart, of Mount Stewart, asserts that
Patterson affected ignorance of the nature of the recall respecting
whose import, as being absolute and final, no reasonable doubt could
exist; but in this we can prove he was mistaken, from the terms in which
the appointment was conveyed to Fanning by Lord Sydney,--a document which
Mr. Stewart evidently had not seen, and which proves that Patterson was
not destitute of a very plausible if not solid reason for holding his
post till the weather admitted of his leaving the island. Lord Sydney,
addressing Fanning, in a despatch dated the thirtieth of June, 1786,
says: "The King having thought it necessary to recall
Lieutenant-Governor Patterson, of the Island of Saint John, in
consequence of some complaints which have been exhibited against him,
that an inquiry should be made into his conduct, His Majesty, from the
opinion which he is pleased to entertain of your ability and discretion,
and with a view to give you an early proof of his royal approbation of
your services, has been pleased to appoint you to carry on the public
service of the island during Lieutenant-Governor Patterson's absence,
or until some determination shall have taken place respecting his
proceedings.
"As it is His Majesty's desire that Lieutenant-Governor Patterson should
be relieved in time to enable him to return to England in the course of
the autumn, His Majesty trusts that you will lose no time in repairing
to Saint John, and in settling such arrangements with the said
lieutenant-governor, previous to his departure, as may be necessary for
your carrying on the business of the island." Thus Patterson's retention
of office till the spring does not seem in the circumstances
unreasonable; but Mr. Stewart, in his account of the island, informs us
that his continuance in it was contrary to the desire of the inhabitants
generally, who, during the winter, did not fail to present addresses to
Fanning, calling upon him to assume the government to which, according
to his commission, he had been appointed. On the arrival of Fanning,
Patterson addressed the following letter to Lord Sydney, the Colonial
Secretary:--
"Island of Saint John, 5th November, 1786.
"My Lord,--Lieutenant-Governor Fanning arrived here yesterday,
and by him I have been honored by your lordship's letter of the
thirtieth June, saying that many representations have been made
to the King of improper proceedings in the exercise of the
powers with which I have been vested, and that it is His
Majesty's pleasure that I should repair to England as soon as
may be, to give an account of my conduct; also commanding me to
deliver to Lieutenant-Governor Fanning such papers and documents
as may be necessary to enable him to carry on the public service
during my absence.
"I have received His Majesty's commands with the utmost
veneration and respect, and nothing gives me so much pain as
when I have it not in my power to carry them into immediate
execution.
"Such papers and documents as appear in the least necessary
towards carrying on the present service shall be delivered
without loss of time; but there are unsurmountable reasons why I
cannot this winter quit this island. The season is too far
advanced to leave a possibility of arranging my little matters
so as to prevent total ruin in my absence. Besides, my lord, if
the charges are such as I have already answered, my ipse dixit
will add but little weight to my defence, and I have no further
proof to offer. If there have been any new charges sent from
hence, the evidence to disprove them cannot be had in England;
therefore, my going home without them would only prove a useless
trouble to your lordship and to myself. It is an unspeakable
grief of heart to me that I am under the necessity so long of
lying under the appearance of having proved unworthy of my
station. All my labors for thirty years have been in search of
reputation, and I have gained it everywhere but where most I
wished. Be assured, my lord, it will be my pride and glory if I
can restore confidence among the council of my royal master. I
hope and trust your lordship will feel my situation as I do
myself, and that in justice you will order me copies of my
crimes, so as to have them by the first of spring; and be
assured that I shall, as soon after the receipt of them as
possible, with every anxious and eager hope, pay instant
obedience to the royal mandate.
"Were it even possible for me, at so few days' notice, to quit
the island, even with the total ruin of my family, I should be
obliged to accumulate ruin on ruin by being obliged to stay a
whole season in England to wait for evidence from home, and in
place of expediting, it must delay my hearing. But if I cannot
go from hence prepared to answer my accusers, after my arrival
my fate may be soon decided; and if I have not been guilty of
what will deprive me of my liberty, I may return in the course
of the summer to cultivate my farm.
"His Majesty is full of justice. He is the father of his people,
and therefore cannot wish the ruin of a subject, much less of an
old and faithful servant. Then I doubtless shall have justice. I
wish no more. Afford me only an opportunity of clearing my
character, and I shall instantly resign. I have long and
anxiously wished to do it, and most certainly shall the moment I
can with honor.
"I cannot even guess at the nature of my present accusations;
but be they what they may, I wish to meet them; and I shall do
so, my lord, with a confidence and certain knowledge that they
are as unfounded as the last. I know I have done no wrong, and
therefore court inquiry; but I also know my enemies, and must go
prepared among them. A conscious rectitude of heart forms, my
lord, arms of adamant,--a shield which admits no fear.
"I am, my lord, &c.,
"Walter Patterson."
But Patterson had a large number of friends in the island who backed him
in his opposition to Fanning; and the council, consisting of men of his
own selection, and the assembly being ready to act according to his
dictation, he was in hopes that representations proceeding from these
sources would secure his restoration to a position to which he was now
clinging with tenacity. During the winter the government of the island
remained in this anomalous condition; but early in April following,
Governor Fanning issued a proclamation notifying his appointment, and
calling on all loyal inhabitants to recognize his title to the
governorship. But Patterson issued, on the following day, a counter
proclamation, declaring that he was the accredited representative of His
Majesty, and enjoining the people to pay no attention to the pretensions
of a usurper.
A correspondence passed between the rivals. From manuscript copies, now
before us, it appears that Patterson and Fanning had entered into an
agreement on the seventh of November, 1786, by which the latter
gentleman's appointment was to remain in abeyance for some time.
Patterson, on the arrival of Fanning, had intimated his intention of
meeting the assembly as governor; but Fanning contended that Patterson
had promised to give up the government after the legislative business
which he wished transacted was finished. This was emphatically denied by
Patterson, who asserted that the command was, by mutual consent, to
remain with him till the weather permitted his departure from the
island, or more distinct orders were received from England, to which
representations of the state of matters were forwarded by both parties.
On the 17th of February, Patterson addressed a bitter letter to Fanning,
complaining of his violation of the agreement solemnly made between
them, in which he wrote: "Was it consistent with that engagement that
your warrant was exhibited to a large company at your own table, and
afterwards to the public by one of that company, in order to prove your
right to the command? Was it consistent with that engagement that my
avowed and notorious enemies were almost constantly adopted as your
confidential friends? You will not be surprised at my faith in you being
put to a severe trial when I heard that the court of justice was
disturbed, and a copy of your warrant there read by a gentleman very
much in your confidence, questioning the judges as to your right of
command, and calling on all His Majesty's subjects on their allegiance
to assert your right; and when I have been told that the son of that
gentleman, in the same open court, said to the commanding officer that,
if it had not been for his detachment, you should long ago have had the
government,--meaning that he and his friends would by violence have
wrested it from me. I have also been informed that officers of the
government refuse paying any attention to my orders, and quote your
commission and yourself as the reason of such disobedience."
Notwithstanding the intense fermentation occasioned by this unseemly
dispute, the public peace was not disturbed. As was generally
anticipated, on the arrival of the spring mail, the conduct of Patterson
was rebuked by the home government, and he was peremptorily commanded to
transfer the permanent command to Fanning,--a change which, Mr. Stewart
says, was "agreeable to the island in general." [F] Patterson soon left
the island for Quebec, but returned in a few months, and exerted himself
to the utmost in obstructing the operations of the government; but,
after two years' residence, and bitter opposition to the administration
of his successor, he left the island and returned to England, cherishing
the hope of enlisting the sympathy and support of the proprietors
resident there,--a hope which was doomed to be disappointed.
Fidelity to historical accuracy compels us to say that a charge
affecting the moral character of the late governor had been made, in
which the wife of one of his friends was implicated. That charge,
whether true or false, was doubtless forwarded to English headquarters,
where, if supported by satisfactory evidence, it was certain to have no
small influence in determining the fate of Patterson as governor, and
may account for the mysterious silence of officials (as complained of by
Mr. Stuart) when pressed for information with regard to the reasons by
which government was influenced in dismissing him from a post which he
had held for sixteen years. In one of Patterson's private memorandum
books, now before us, there are some curious entries, in his own
handwriting, with regard to that charge, in which he summarises various
arguments which might be urged against the probability of its
truthfulness, but which neither affirm nor deny its validity. If these
notes had not been made by his own hand, and the pronoun I had not
been once inadvertently used, they might be supposed to have been the
production of one on whom was devolved the legal defence of the
governor.
When Patterson arrived in London, he found the friends who had formerly
used their influence in his favor extremely cool; and thus all hope of
his restoration to the governorship was blighted. The large sums he had
expended in the election of a house favorable to his views, and the
impossibility of saving any part of his annual income (five hundred
pounds sterling), without sacrificing the becoming dignity of his post,
added to the circumstance that his wife and family had to be maintained
in England during the whole period of his incumbency, rendered his means
extremely limited. Being pressed by his creditors, his extensive and
valuable property in the island was sold--under hard laws, which had been
enacted under his own administration--at nominal prices. It need
therefore excite no surprise that he never returned to a scene invested
with so many painful recollections.
But the question occurs: what became of the escheated lands which were
ordered to be restored to the original proprietors? After the
proceedings already recorded, no determined effort to obtain the
property was made by the original holders, with regard to whose claims
to restitution no doubt could now exist. The assembly did, indeed, pass
an act in 1792, by which the old proprietors were permitted to take
possession of their property; but eleven years having elapsed since the
sales took place, and complications of an almost insuperable nature
having in consequence ensued, the government deemed it inexpedient to
disturb the present holders, more particularly as not a few of them had
effected a compromise with the original grantees, which entitled them to
permanent possession. Hence the act referred to was disallowed, and thus
a subject which had for years agitated the community was permitted to
remain in continued abeyance.