Ch The New Immigrants Deceived
Arrival of the Prince of Wales--His Reception--The British
Colonial Secretary expresses satisfaction with the Assembly's
proceedings in regard to the Land Commission--The Report of the
Commissioners--Its cardinal points presented--Their views with
regard to Escheat and other subjects--The case of the Loyalists
and Indians. Remarks on the Report: its merits and its defects.
The evils incident to
he Land Question fundamentally
attributable to the Home Government--The Immigrants deceived--The
misery consequent on such deception--The burden of correction
laid on the wrong shoulders--Volunteer Companies--General
Census--Death of Prince Albert--The Duke of Newcastle and the
Commissioners' Report.
The Prince of Wales having, in compliance with an invitation from the
Canadian parliament, resolved to visit British North America, he was
invited by the authorities to pay a visit to Prince Edward Island.
Having signified his intention of doing so, suitable preparations were
made for his reception. His Royal Highness having proceeded to
Newfoundland, and thence to Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, he, after a
short stay in these colonies, arrived in Charlottetown, in the ship
Hero, on Thursday, the tenth of August, about twelve o'clock, m. On
the Hero swinging to her anchors, the lieutenant governor, attended by
Colonel Gray, stepped into a barge and proceeded on board the ship.
After a short interval, his excellency returned, and intimated that the
royal party would disembark in half an hour. The governor received His
Royal Highness as he stepped on the pier, and, in the name of the
colonists, welcomed him to the island. The governor then presented the
mayor to the Prince, and the recorder and city council, collectively. A
guard of honor, consisting of a detachment of the 62nd regiment, and a
body of volunteers, lined the way from the landing place to the royal
carriage, into which, amidst the cheers of the people, the Prince
stepped, inviting the governor to occupy the vacant seat. The procession
was then formed, headed by an escort of volunteer cavalry, commanded by
Major Davies. Immediately in advance of the first carriage walked the
mayor, supported by the recorder and the city treasurer, and after the
carriages, the procession was composed of the judges, the executive
council, the members of both branches of the legislature, the clergy,
the public officers, the city councillors, the committee of management,
the members of the bar and other gentlemen, the troops, and societies
and associations. There were four triumphal arches through which the
procession passed. These were erected at the public expense. On passing
through Rochfort Square, the procession halted for a moment opposite a
platform, on which were assembled upwards of a thousand children, neatly
attired, and belonging to the sabbath schools. When the carriage of the
Prince reached the platform, a thousand youthful voices united in
singing the national anthem, when the emotion of the Prince was such
that he actually shed tears.
At the door of Government House, His Royal Highness was received by Mrs.
Dundas, and conducted to the drawing-room, where the members of the
executive council were presented by the governor. Rain, which had
threatened all day, now began to descend; but there was a pleasant
interval in the afternoon, during which the Prince rode, taking the
Saint Peter's and Malpeque roads, and returning in time for dinner, at
half-past seven o'clock. There was a general illumination in the
evening, the due effect of which was marred by heavy rain. But the
following day was a splendid one. His Royal Highness, in the uniform of
a colonel, held a levee in the forenoon, after which he inspected the
volunteers, to the number of about four hundred and fifty men, in front
of Government House. They were commanded by Major the Hon. T. H.
Haviland, who was complimented on the appearance of the force. Major
Davies' troop of cavalry also received its share of royal commendation.
His Royal Highness drove to the Colonial Building for the purpose of
receiving the addresses of the executive council and of the corporation
of the city. He was received by Mr. Palmer and the Mayor, at the
entrance. Two large stands had been erected for the accommodation of
ladies wishing to witness the interesting ceremony. The civic and
executive addresses were respectively read by the Recorder and the
Honorable Edward Palmer. We may be permitted to say that these
addresses, in point of good taste and expression, were far above the
average of such compositions. To these addresses the Prince made
suitable replies. In the afternoon His Royal Highness took another ride
into the country, making a brief halt at the farm of Mr. H. Longworth,
whence he obtained an extensive view of Charlottetown and the harbor.
In the evening there was a ball in the Colonial Building, which was
attended by a numerous and brilliant assemblage, and where His Royal
Highness danced with much spirit, remaining till after three o'clock.
On Saturday the prince departed from the island, where he had produced a
most favorable impression,--leaving one hundred and fifty pounds to be
disposed of in charity, according to directions communicated to the
lieutenant-governor and his lady.
On the sixteenth of June, 1860, the Duke of Newcastle addressed a
despatch to the lieutenant-governor, expressing his sense of the
promptitude and completeness with which the house of assembly had given
its support to the plan devised in the hope of terminating the
differences on the question of land, by which the island had been so
long agitated, and intimating that a commission would be forwarded,
under the royal sign manual, containing the appointment of the Honorable
Joseph Howe, Mr. John Hamilton Gray, and Mr. John William Ritchie, as
commissioners,--Mr. Howe being the representative of the tenants, Mr.
Gray of the Crown, and Mr. Ritchie of the proprietors. The commissioners
accordingly opened their court at the Colonial Building, on the fifth of
September, 1860,--Mr. Gray presiding. There appeared at the court, as
counsel for the government of the colony, on behalf of the tenantry, Mr.
Samuel Thomson, of Saint John, N. B., and Mr. Joseph Hensley; and for
the proprietors, Mr. R. G. Haliburton and Mr. Charles Palmer. Mr.
Benjamin DesBrisay was appointed clerk to the commissioners. On the
first day, the court was addressed by counsel representing the various
interests, and on the succeeding days, a very large number of witnesses
were examined, for the purpose of eliciting information for the guidance
of the court in coming to a decision. After the evidence had been heard,
the court was addressed by counsel.
The report of the commissioners was dated the eighteenth of July, 1861;
and, as any history of the island would be incomplete without an outline
of its contents, the writer will now proceed to give such outline,
which, whilst it presents leading facts and arguments adduced, will not,
it is hoped, be open to the charge of undue prolixity.
As we have, in the course of the narrative, given an incidental sketch
of the history of the land question, we shall pass over that portion of
the commissioners' report which is occupied with facts that have already
been partially submitted, and to which we must again refer at a more
advanced stage of the narrative, and give the substance of the remedies
which the commissioners proposed for existing evils. The commissioners
expressed the hope that they might be regarded as having entered upon
the discharge of their duties, not only with a high appreciation of the
honor conferred by their appointment, but also with a due sense of the
grave responsibilities which they assumed. When they commenced their
labors there was a general impression that the act of the provincial
legislature, which made their award binding on all parties concerned,
would receive the royal assent; and, although the decision of the
colonial secretary--not to submit that act for Her Majesty's
approval--somewhat relieved them from the weight of responsibility
necessarily involved in the preparation and delivery of a judgment
beyond appeal, they still felt that, as their award was to affect the
titles of a million of acres, and the rights and interests of eighty
thousand people, a hasty decision would not be a wise one, and that the
materials for a judgment ought to be exhausted before the report was
made.
By traversing the island and mixing freely with its people, the
commissioners had become familiar with its great interests and general
aspects. By holding an open court in all the shire towns, they had given
to every man on the island, however poor, an opportunity to explain his
grievances, if he had any. By bringing the proprietors and tenants face
to face before an independent tribunal, mutual misunderstandings and
exaggerated statements had been tested and explained, and the real
condition of society and the evils of the leasehold system had been
carefully contemplated from points of view not often reached by those
whose interests were involved in the controversy. The evidence
collected, though not under oath,--the commissioners not being vested
with power to administer oaths,--was most valuable in aiding them to form
a correct estimate of the evils of which the people complained.
The documentary history of the question extended over nearly a century
of time, and was to be found in the journals of the Legislature, in the
newspaper files of the colony, and in pamphlets more or less numerous.
The amount of time and money wasted in public controversy no man could
estimate; and the extent to which a vicious system of colonization had
entered into the daily life of the people, and embittered their
industrial and social relations, it was painful to record.
The commissioners felt that as the case of Prince Edward Island was
exceptional, so must be the treatment. The application of the local
government for a commission, and the large powers given to it by the
Queen's authority, presupposed the necessity of a departure from the
ordinary legal modes of settling disputes between landlords and tenants,
which the experience of half a century had proved to be inadequate.
Finding that it was impossible to shut out of their inquiry, while on
the island, the questions of escheat, quitrents, and fishery
reserves,--the claims of the descendants of the original French
inhabitants, Indians, and loyalists,--they thought it quite within the
range of their obligations to express their opinions freely upon these
branches of the general subject.
The question of escheat, though apparently withdrawn from the scope of
their inquiry by despatches from the colonial office,--received long
after the opening of the commission,--could not be put aside. The
discussion of the question was forced upon them from the day the court
opened until it closed. The commissioners, therefore, thought it
comported with their duty to express the conclusions at which they had
arrived.
In considering the best mode of quieting the disputes between the
proprietors and their tenants, and of converting the leasehold into
freehold tenures, the commissioners remarked that the granting of a
whole colony in a single day, in huge blocks of twenty thousand acres
each, was an improvident and unwise exercise of the prerogative of the
Crown. There was no co-operation on the part of the proprietors in
peopling the island. Each acted on his own responsibility, and while a
few showed energy in the work, the great body of the grantees did
nothing. The emigrants sent out by the few were disheartened by the
surrounding wilderness owned by the many, who made no effort to reclaim
it, or were tempted to roam about or disregard the terms of settlement
by the quantity of wild land, with no visible owner to guard it from
intrusion. By mutual co-operation and a common policy, the proprietors
might have redeemed the grants of the imperial government from the
charge of improvidence. The want of these indispensible elements of
success laid the foundation of all the grievances which subsequently
afflicted the colony.
The commissioners regarded the land purchase act as embodying the most
simple and efficacious remedy for existing evils. Under that act the
Worrell and Selkirk estates had been purchased,--covering about one
hundred and forty thousand acres, by which signal advantages were
secured, the proprietors being dispossessed by their own consent, the
tenants being enabled to purchase their holdings and improvements, not
necessarily at a price so high as to represent the rents stipulated to
be paid, but at the lowest price which the expenses of management, added
to the aggregate cost of the estate, would warrant; and the wild lands
were at once rescued from the leasehold system, and were subjected to
the wholesome control of the local government, to be hereafter disposed
of in fee simple, at moderate prices, as they are in all the other North
American provinces. The commissioners unanimously recommended the
application to the whole island of the principles embodied in the land
purchase act, under modifications which appeared to be essential to
their more extended adoption.
With respect to escheat, the commissioners reported that there was no
light in which the present escheat of the titles, on the ground of the
conditions of the original grants having been broken, could be viewed,
which would not exhibit consequences most disastrous to the island. They
therefore reported that there should be no escheat of the original
grants for non-performance of conditions as to settlement.
The commissioners recommended that the imperial parliament should
guarantee a loan of one hundred thousand pounds, so that the money could
be borrowed at a low rate of interest. With the command of such a fund,
the government would be in a condition to enter the market, and to
purchase, from time to time, such estates as could be obtained at
reasonable prices. They did not doubt that many of the proprietors would
be glad to sell, and the competition for the funds at the disposal of
the government would so adjust the prices that judicious purchases could
be made without any arbitrary proceedings or compulsory interference
with private rights. The commissioners felt that it might be beyond
their duty to make such a suggestion, but they hoped Her Majesty's
government would regard the case of Prince Edward Island as exceptional,
its grievances having sprung from the injudicious mode in which its
lands were originally given away.
Assuming that the imperial parliament guaranteed a loan, there remained
to be considered the nature of the security which would be offered.
Although it was not improbable that doubts might have arisen as to the
ability of the colony to repay so large an amount, a glance at its
financial position would show that the required relief might be given
without the risk of any loss to the mother country. The commissioners
showed that the revenue of the island had increased from seventeen
thousand pounds in 1839, to forty-one thousand in 1859,--more than
doubling itself in twenty years. It seemed apparent, therefore, that
without disturbing the tariff or reducing the ordinary appropriations,
in five years the natural increase of population, trade, and consumption
would give six thousand pounds a year, or a sum sufficient to pay the
interest on a hundred thousand pounds, at six per cent. As it was not
improbable that five years would be required to purchase the estates,
and expend the loan to advantage, it might happen that the revenue would
increase as fast as the interest was required, without any increase in
the tariff, or diminution of the appropriations. But it might be
reasonably assumed, when a new spirit was breathed into the island, and
its population turned to the business of life, with new hopes and entire
confidence in the future, that trade would be more active, and the
condition of the people improve. The very operation of the loan act
might therefore supply all the revenue required to meet the difference;
but if it should not, an addition of two and a half per cent, upon the
imports of the island, or a reduction of the road vote for two or three
years, would yield the balance that might be required.
In making their calculations, no reference was made to the fund which
would be at once available from the payment of their instalments by the
tenants who purchased. Two thousand five hundred pounds had been paid by
the tenants on the Selkirk estate in the first year after it was
purchased. Guided by the experience thus gained of the disposition and
of the resources of the tenantry, it was deemed by the commissioners
fair to conclude that if such a sum could be promptly realized from
sales of land, admitted to be among the poorest in the island, the local
government might fairly count upon the command of such an increase, from
the re-sale of the estates they might purchase, as would enable them to
keep faith with the public creditor, without any risk of embarrassment.
In considering the remedies to be applied, three conclusions forced
themselves on the commissioners: that the original grants were
improvident and ought never to have been sanctioned; that all the grants
were liable to forfeiture for breach of the conditions with respect to
settlement, and might have been justly escheated; and that all the
grants might have been practically annulled by the enforcement of
quitrents, and the lands seized and sold by the Crown, at various times,
without the slightest impeachment of its honor. But whilst this opinion
was firmly held, still, the Sovereign having repeatedly confirmed the
original grants, it was impossible to treat the grantees in any other
manner than as the lawful possessors of the soil.
Assuming, then, the sufficiency of the original grants, and the binding
authority of the leases, the commissioners were clearly of opinion that
the leasehold tenure should be converted into freehold. It was, they
said, equally the interest of the imperial and local governments that
this should be done, that agrarian questions should be swept from the
field of controversy, that Her Majesty's ministers might be no longer
assailed by remonstrance and complaint, and that the public men in the
island might turn their attention to the development of its resources.
Assuming, therefore, that a compulsory compromise was inevitable, the
question arose: upon what terms should the proprietors be compelled to
sell, and the tenants be at liberty to purchase?
In answer to this important question, the commissioners awarded that
tenants who tendered twenty years' purchase to their landlords, in cash,
should be entitled to a discount of ten percent., and a deed conveying
the fee-simple of their farms. Where the tenant preferred to pay by
instalments, he should have that privilege; but the landlord would not
be bound to accept a less sum than ten pounds at any time; nor should
the tenant have a longer time than ten years to liquidate the debt. The
tenants whose lands were not worth twenty years' purchase, and who
therefore declined to pay that amount, might tender to their landlords
what they considered the value of their farms. If the landlord declined
to accept the amount offered, the value should be adjusted by
arbitration. If the sum tendered was increased by the award, the tenant
was to pay the expenses; if it was not, they should be paid by the
landlord. It was provided that the rent should be reduced in proportion
to the instalments paid; but no credit should be given for any such
instalments until the three years arrears allowed by the commissioners'
award were paid, nor while any rent accruing after the adjustment of the
value of the farm remained due. Proprietors who held not more than
fifteen thousand acres, or such as desired to hold particular lands to
that extent, were not to be compelled to part with such lands under the
award. Leases under a term of less than forty years were not affected by
the award.
With regard to arrears of rent due, it was awarded by the commissioners
that a release of all arrears, beyond those which had accrued during the
three years preceding the first of May, would be for the benefit of both
landlords and tenants.
With regard to the case of the descendants of the loyalists who sought
homes in Prince Edward Island after the confiscation of their properties
in the old revolted colonies, the commissioners considered that they had
claims on the local government. His Majesty's government, in 1783, felt
the full force of the claims of their ancestors, and was sincere in its
desire to make a liberal provision for them; but the rights which they
had then acquired, when the proprietors had engaged to make certain
grants of land for their benefit, were, unfortunately, not enforced. The
commissioners recommended that the local government should make free
grants to such as could prove that their fathers had been lured to the
island under promises which had never been fulfiled.
With regard to the claims of the descendants of the original French
inhabitants, the commissioners, with every desire to take a generous
view of the sufferings of persons whose only crime was adherence to the
weaker side in a great national struggle, could not, after the lapse of
a century, rescue them from the ordinary penalties incident to a state
of war.
The Indian claims were limited to Lennox Island, and to grass lands
around it; and as it appeared by evidence that the Indians had been in
uninterrupted occupancy of the property for more than half a century,
and had built a chapel and several houses on the island, the
commissioners were of opinion that their title should be confirmed, and
that this very small portion of the wide territory their forefathers
formerly owned should be left in the undisturbed possession of this last
remnant of the race.
The commissioners closed their report by expressing their conviction
that, should the general principles propounded be accepted in the spirit
by which they were animated, and followed by practical legislation, the
colony would start forward with renewed energy, dating a new era from
the year 1861. In such an event, the British government would have nobly
atoned for any errors in its past policy, the legislature would no
longer be distracted with efforts to close the courts upon proprietors,
or to tamper with the currency of the island; the cry of tenant-rights
would cease to disguise the want of practical statesmanship, or to
over-awe the local administration; men who had hated and disturbed each
other would be reconciled, and pursue their common interests in mutual
co-operation; roads would be levelled, breakwaters built, the river-beds
dredged, new fertilizers applied to a soil annually drained of its
vitality; emigration would cease, and population attracted to the wild
lands would enter upon their cultivation, unembarrassed by the causes
which perplexed the early settlers. Weighed down by the burden of the
investigation, the commissioners had sometimes felt doubtful of any
beneficial results; but they now, at the close of their labors, indulged
the hope that, if their suggestions were adopted, enfranchised and
disenthralled from the poisoned garments that enfolded her, Prince
Edward Island would yet become the Barbadoes of the Saint Lawrence.
Our limits will not admit of a more extended account of the
commissioners' report, which constitutes a most important portion of the
annals of the island. We hope we have succeeded in giving the kernel of
it. It is impossible for any candid person to rise from the perusal of
the document, as well as of the voluminous body of facts and evidence on
which it is based, without the conviction that the work was committed to
men whose experience and acquirements eminently fitted them for the
onerous duty entrusted to them, and without feeling that they were
inspired with the desire to do justice to all the interests involved.
They condemned--and most justly--the imperial government, which had
originally granted the land in such enormous quantity to each grantee,
on the ground of public services, the merits of which it was most
difficult for the commissioners to estimate. To say the truth, in the
case of many of the grantees, it would require a microscope of no
ordinary power to detect their existence. The conditions attached to the
grants were deliberately disregarded by the bulk of the proprietors,
who, up to the time the commission was appointed, continued to wield an
amount of influence in the councils of successive Sovereigns, which
successfully frustrated every effort made by the people to obtain
justice. The emigrants who left their native land were under the
impression that they were to be conducted to a country where they might
speedily attain, by moderate industry, to independence; where advantages
were to be obtained which could not be got in other portions of the vast
continent of America. In four years from the date of the original grants
a third of the land was to be actually settled; within ten years there
was to be a settler to every hundred acres of land; as evidence that
there was to be no lack of protestant clergymen, one hundred acres were
allotted for a church and glebe; and as a guaranty that the schoolmaster
would be found at home, thirty acres were allotted to him in this
prospectively populous and happy island. The honor of the British
government was committed as a guaranty for the realization of these
brilliant promises. But during the first ten years the terms, as to
population, were complied with in ten townships only, nine being
partially settled, and forty-eight utterly neglected. The proprietors,
knowing that they could get the British government to do what they
pleased, petitioned, in the year after the grants were made, for a
separate government, and the expense was to be met by the quitrents,
which, however, they took good care not to pay; and as a reward for the
concession of a separate government, Britain had to pay for the
maintenance of the civil establishment of the island. Thirty years after
the grants were made, the assembly passed resolutions which set forth
clearly the extent to which the obligations under which the proprietors
had come were disregarded, and petitioned that they might be compelled
to fulfil the conditions on which they had obtained the land, or that it
should be escheated and granted in small tracts to actual settlers. In
shameful violation of the principles of national honor and justice, the
representations of the people, through their representatives, were
disregarded, in consequence of the influence brought to bear, by the
grantees, on a weak and incompetent government; and thus there was on
the part of Britain a flagrant breach of faith with the immigrants who
had been tempted to leave their native country, trusting to guarantees
the violation of which was never suspected. The people of the island
continued for ninety years to protest against the injury under which
they suffered, till at last a commission was appointed. Credit must be
given to the commissioners for the thoroughness of their investigation,
for the reliability of their facts, and for the impartiality and general
soundness of their awards. Yet the report seems to lack necessary
pungency and power in dealing with the iniquity of successive
governments in failing to make compensation to the island immigrants and
their successors for injuries persistently inflicted, and borne with a
degree of patience that excites our wonder. Instead, however, of such
injuries generating sympathy or admiration, leading to a rectification
of admitted evils, the only result was a flow of official twaddle about
the sacred rights of property, and the duty of obedience to imperial
edicts relating to the soil,--edicts of which any civilized country might
well be ashamed, and to which no parallel can be found in the voluminous
annals of the colonial possessions of an empire on which the sun never
sets. While immigrants to other portions of America obtained good land
in fee-simple for the merest trifle, and were working their way to
competence and independence, the farmers of Prince Edward Island,
weighed down by rent, were doomed to clear the forest and improve the
land, finding themselves in many cases, in their old age, no richer than
on their arrival in the country, with no prospect before their families
but hard work, and with no hope of a permanent or adequate return.
Happily, the fearful difficulties encountered by the early settlers do
not exist--at least in the same degree--now; and by dint of economy, hard
work, and self-denial, not a few have attained to comparative comfort
and independence. The commissioners say: "the grievances of the island
have sprung from the injudicious mode in which the lands were originally
given away." That is only half the truth. The Crown had the abstract
right to grant the land in blocks of twenty thousand acres each; but the
Crown had not the right, after the conditions on which the land had been
allotted were published, and its good faith had been committed to the
fulfilment of these conditions by the owners on pain of forfeiture, to
permit their violation without the infliction of the penalty. Thousands,
on the faith of these conditions being honestly implemented, had staked
their prospects in life. The original immigrants would not have come to
Prince Edward Island as tenants while they might have obtained free land
elsewhere, unless compensatory advantages had been offered. These
advantages were implied in the conditions of settlement attached to the
grants. When, therefore, the British government permitted the violation
of the contract, they broke faith with the immigrants, and became
morally and constitutionally responsible for the consequences of such
violation. The remedy was in the hands of the Crown. The original
proprietors having failed to keep their engagements, the clear and
honest duty of the Crown was to declare the land of such proprietors
escheated, and, as compensation to the emigrants, to make moderate free
grants to them of a portion of it. Instead of adopting this manly and
honest course, the Crown ignored the injury inflicted on the tenants,
and allowed the proprietors to retain their land in a wilderness state,
thus causing long-continued misery and bitterness in the island, and
almost permanently obscuring the lustre of one of the brightest gems in
the British colonial diadem. The charge of indifference to the just
complaints of the people cannot be brought against the successive local
legislatures and governments of the island. Law after law was enacted,
and petition after petition was laid at the foot of the throne. The
people met in masses and prayed for relief. Verily, there was no lack of
importunity; but the official ear--always open to the complaints and
representations of many landholders and their satellites, who were ever
sensitive to the imaginary rights, but totally oblivious of the real
duties of property--was conveniently deaf to the groans of an oppressed
people. Year after year passed without any effectual remedy being
applied, and the original proprietors either died or transferred their
property to others; and for a long period, before the appointment of the
commission, the answer to all applications to the colonial office for
escheat was the melancholy chant of too late! too late! Father Time
and his progeny proscription now presented barriers which were deemed
insuperable. Every successive minister for the colonies became expert at
counting on his fingers the number of years that had elapsed since the
British government broke faith with the people of Prince Edward Island,
and re-echoed the chant, "Too late! too late!" It must be conceded that,
after the lapse of so long a period, it was impossible, without positive
injury to proprietors who were in no way responsible for existing evils,
to escheat the land, and the views taken by the commissioners on this
point must commend themselves to every unprejudiced mind; but, admitting
all this, the question occurs, was it too late to fix blame in the
proper quarter, and to repair the damage sustained by the island?
Certainly not. We think it must be regarded as a radical defect in the
report of the commissioners that no pointed answer was given to that
question. It was unfortunately too late to make compensation to those
who first came to the country on the faith of imperial pledges which
were not redeemed, and who, after a life of toil, had passed the bourne
whence no traveller returns, leaving an inheritance of difficulty and
trouble to their sons and daughters; but it was not too late to make
honorable compensation to the latter, and, at the same time, justice to
the present owners of the soil, by buying the land with money out of the
public treasury of the mother country, and giving it to those whose just
claims had been so long criminally disregarded. Whilst in the plainest
terms the commissioners admitted that the island grievances sprung from
the injudicious mode in which the lands were originally given away, they
did not press for due compensation being made by the country whose
rulers had produced these grievances, but recommended that the imperial
government should guarantee a loan for the purchase of the land of one
hundred thousand pounds, on the production, by the island authorities,
of most satisfactory security for the payment of principal and interest.
In plain English, the aggrieved parties were made practically
responsible for oppression in the production of which they had no hand,
and for which, therefore, they could in no legitimate sense be held
responsible. On the assumption that the British government were not
accountable, the award of the commissioners was admirable; but, assuming
their responsibility, the cost of rectification was recommended to be
borne by the wrong parties.
Let it not be for a moment supposed that it is intended by these remarks
to foster discontent in the island, to weaken the bonds which unite it
to the old country, or to generate a spirit of disloyalty to the Crown
or dissatisfaction towards good landlords. Were the writer inspired by
so criminal a desire, his efforts would fail in the production of any
such consequences. The people have learned to put no confidence either
in governments or princes; but, under Almighty favor, by economy,
temperance, and hard work, to trust to their own efforts in sweeping
from the island the remnants of a pernicious system, and of attaining
that measure of independence and prosperity to which such formidable
obstacles have been presented, but the ultimate realization of which the
capabilities of the island warrant. Since the island became British
property, not a petition or complaint has been laid at the foot of the
throne which has not breathed the most devoted loyalty; and the people,
under trials which might have tested the patience of Job, have borne
them with a degree of meekness and patience to which few parallels can
be produced; and at this moment the beloved Queen of Great Britain has
not more sturdy, faithful, and resolute defenders of her throne and
person than the inhabitants of Prince Edward Island. Loyalty must be
indigenous to a soil where, under such adverse conditions, it has taken
such deep root and flourishes.
In the very year when the commissioners were prosecuting their
inquiries, Prince Edward Island responded to the call for a defensive
force by organizing twenty companies of volunteers, mustering upwards of
a thousand men, showing a degree of loyalty, zeal, and energy in that
direction inferior to no other portion of the Queen's dominions.
A general census of the island was taken in 1861. The population was
then--as certified in the most accurate returns--eighty thousand eight
hundred and fifty-six, including three hundred and fifteen Indians. The
churches numbered one hundred and fifty-six; schoolhouses, three hundred
and two; and public teachers, two hundred and eighty. There were
eighty-nine fishing establishments on the island, which produced
twenty-two thousand barrels of herrings and gasperaux, seven thousand
barrels of mackerel, thirty-nine thousand quintals of codfish, and
seventeen thousand gallons of fish-oils. There were one hundred and
forty-one grist-mills, one hundred and seventy-six saw-mills, and
forty-six carding-mills; fifty-five tanneries, manufacturing one hundred
and forty-three thousands pounds of leather.
The executive government having, in 1861, appointed commissioners to
superintend the collection of products and manufactures of the island
for the London exhibition of 1862, the duty was judiciously performed,
and the articles forwarded to the exhibition under the charge of Mr.
Henry Haszard, the secretary to the commissioners.
A profound sensation was caused in the island by intelligence of the
seizure of Messrs. Mason and Slidell, civil servants of the Southern
States, when under the protection of the English flag, on their passage
from Havana to England on board the steamship Trent. A remonstrance
was forwarded by the British government to that of the Northern States;
and the act of the commander of the San Jacinto--the American vessel by
which the outrage was committed--having been disapproved of by the
American government, the Southern commissioners were set at liberty, and
the dispute happily terminated.
On the eighth of January, 1862, intelligence of the death of His Royal
Highness Prince Albert reached the island. He died at Windsor Castle on
the fourteenth of December, 1861, in the forty-second year of his age.
Official intimation of his death was communicated to the
lieutenant-governor by the Duke of Newcastle, and His Excellency ordered
that forty-two minute-guns should be fired from Saint George's Battery
at twelve o'clock, noon; and Her Majesty's faithful subjects were
enjoined to put themselves into mourning. The life of the departed
Prince was one of singular purity and usefulness, and his memory will
forever stand honorably associated with that of Queen Victoria, than
whom a more virtuous and beloved Sovereign never swayed a British
sceptre. An address of condolence to Her Majesty was adopted by the
legislature.
In answer to a despatch from the governor to the colonial secretary,
requesting that he should be favored with a copy of the land
commissioners' report, His Excellency received a despatch from the Duke
of Newcastle, dated the seventh of February, 1862, accompanied by a copy
of the report, which was anxiously desired by the people. His Grace said
that he was desirous of expressing his appreciation of the painstaking,
able, and impartial report which the commissioners had furnished,--a
report which would derive additional weight from its unanimity, and
which was the result of an investigation so complete that it had
exhausted the material for inquiry into the facts of the case. The
difficulties that remained were those which were inherent in the
subject, and which had, for a long course of years, baffled every
attempt at solution. His Grace, at the same time, held out no hope--for
reasons which he did not state--that the loan of one hundred thousand
pounds, in order to buy the estates of Prince Edward Island from their
present owners, would be guaranteed. Mr. Labouchere, the colonial
minister, suggested such a loan in 1855, and it was warmly advocated by
Lord Stanley in 1858, when he held that office; and the people of the
island had fair ground for additional complaint against the home
government, when that government did not condescend even to state
manfully the reasons for such a point-blank refusal, more especially as
the commissioners had advocated most earnestly the imperial guaranty
of such a loan,--such recommendation being one of the cardinal points in
their award. The duke further intimated in the despatch that there
appeared to be insuperable objections to that multiplicity of separate
land arbitrations which would be the effect of the alternative measure
alluded to in the commissioners' report. Shorn of the vital portions of
the award, which were thus politely ignored, the report was divested, to
a large extent, of its immediate practical value; and the official
compliment paid to the commissioners was but very poor compensation for
the rejection of incomparably the most important portions of an award
which had been arrived at after a painstaking and complete
investigation, in the conduct of which was enlisted an amount of
patience, impartiality, discrimination, and ability which it would be
difficult to match. The secret of the mild manner in which imperial
delinquencies, in the treatment of Prince Edward Island, were touched
upon in this production may probably be found in a due appreciation by
the commissioners of governmental sensitiveness on the point, producing
the conviction that to ask for more than would probably be granted would
injure--rather than promote--just claims to compensation.
The assembly met in February, and adopted a resolution, by a vote of
twenty-three to six, pledging itself to introduce a measure to confirm
the award of the commissioners in all its provisions. The action of the
assembly in thus, without hesitation, honorably abiding by the award of
the commissioners, without cavil or complaint, was highly creditable to
its character; but the award did not meet with the same degree of
approval at the hands of the landowners who were parties to the
appointment of the commission. The Duke of Newcastle addressed a
despatch to the governor, dated the fifth of April, 1862, enclosing a
draft bill, drawn up by the proprietors, for settling the differences
between landlords and tenants on certain townships, in the preamble of
which it was stated that the commissioners, in providing that the value
of land should be ascertained by arbitrators, to be appointed by the
landlords and tenants, exceeded the authority intended to be given to
them by the assembly and the proprietors, and if their suggestion were
adopted, disputes and litigation between the landlords and tenants would
ensue. Thus these gentlemen completely ignored the award of the
commissioners, and proposed to substitute a remedy of their own. In thus
acting, they had the support of the colonial secretary, for although, in
the despatch by which the draft bill was accompanied his Grace did not
express positive approval of the landowners' proposals, he,
nevertheless, stated that it would give him great pleasure if Sir Samuel
Cunard's anticipations as a proprietor were realized in reference to the
bill.
Two acts had been promptly passed by the assembly on the land
question,--one to give effect to the report of the commissioners, and
another to facilitate the operation of the award in cases of anticipated
difficulty; and the local government framed a minute in which they
affirmed, in reference to the landlords' proposed bill, that they could
not believe that the legislature would sanction any measure bearing on
the land question which might differ essentially from the principles
embodied in the commissioners' report. They asserted that the assembly
deemed the government pledged to carry out the award of the commission,
and they denied that the charge preferred in the preamble of the
proprietors' bill, that the commissioners had exceeded their commission,
could be substantiated. From the language of the commission, the
government argued that the powers conferred upon them were
unlimited,--amply sufficient to empower them to define any mode of
settlement of a purely equitable character. By a passage contained in a
despatch of the colonial secretary, he seemed to apprehend that the
arbitration system prescribed by the commissioners would necessitate a
multiplicity of separate local arbitrations, which would constitute
insuperable objections against this mode of adjustment. The government,
however, did not anticipate that many of these arbitrations would take
place in the practical working of the system. In their opinion, two or
three cases on a township would have the effect of establishing a scale
of prices which would become a standard of value. The minute--a temperate
and well-reasoned document--concluded with an expression of the hope that
the bills passed by the house of assembly would receive the royal
sanction. They reminded the colonial secretary that the differences
which the commissioners were appointed to determine had, for half a
century, exerted a most baneful influence upon the colony, and that the
people hailed with much satisfaction the prospect of having them
adjusted. Should anything occur to prevent such adjustment, the
consequences would be of a very serious nature, and result in causing
much anxiety to Her Majesty's ministers, and also to the local
government.
To this minute, which was dated the twenty-second of July, 1862, the
Duke of Newcastle replied in a despatch of the ninth of August,
following. He expressed regret that he could not concur in the views of
the government. The main questions which the commissioners were
appointed to decide were: first, at what rate tenants ought to be
allowed to acquire freehold interests in their property; and, next, what
amount of arrears of rent should be remitted by the landlords. On the
first and most important of these questions, the commissioners professed
themselves unable to come to any conclusion, and, instead of deciding
it, they recommended, virtually, that it should be decided by other
arbitrators, to be hereafter nominated. This, however, he said, was not
what they were charged to do: they were authorized by the proprietors to
make an award themselves, but they were not authorized to transfer the
duty of making that award to others. The trust confided to them was a
personal one. The proprietors relied on the skill, knowledge, and
fairness of the three gentlemen appointed in 1860; and they could not,
therefore, be called upon, in deference to these gentlemen's opinion, to
confide their interests even to arbitrators specially designated in the
award, much less to persons whose very mode of appointment was
undetermined by it. This objection might be waived by the proprietors,
but it was not waived; and being insisted on, the colonial secretary
said he was obliged to admit that it was conclusive, and he was bound
further to say that it was, in his opinion, an objection founded, not on
any technical rule of law, but on a sound and indisputable principle of
justice,--the principle, namely, that a person who has voluntarily
submitted his case to the decision of one man, cannot, therefore, be
compelled, without his consent, to transfer it to the decision of
another.
For these reasons, the colonial minister did not advise Her Majesty to
sanction the two acts which had been forwarded, and which were, of
course, intended to render the award obligatory on all who had consented
to the reference. The report of the commissioners was therefore regarded
by the home government simply as an expression of opinion which was not
binding, and which ought not to be allowed to stand in the way of any
other proposal which promised an amicable settlement of the question.