The Revolution Of 1848 And Its Results

(1848--1861.)



The Revolution of 1848. --Events in Berlin. --Alarm of the Diet. --The

Provisional Assembly. --First National Parliament. --Divisions

among the Members. --Revolt in Schleswig-Holstein. --Its End.

--Insurrection in Frankfort. --Condition of Austria. --Vienna

taken. --The War in Hungary. --Surrender of Goergey. --Uprising of

Lombardy and Venice. --Abdication of Ferdinand I. --Frederick

William IV. offered the Imperial Crown of Germany. --New Outbreaks.

--Dissolution of the Parliament. --Austria renews the old Diet.

--Despotic Reaction everywhere. --Evil Days. --Lessons of 1848.

--William I. becomes Regent in Prussia. --New Hopes. --Italian

Unity. --William I. King.





[Sidenote: 1848.]



The sudden breaking out of the Revolution of February, 1848, in Paris,

the flight of Louis Philippe and his family, and the proclamation of the

Republic, acted in Germany like a spark dropped upon powder. All the

disappointments of thirty years, the smouldering impatience and sense of

outrage, the powerful aspiration for political freedom among the people,

broke out in sudden flame. There was instantly an outcry for freedom of

speech and of the press, the right of suffrage, and a constitutional

form of government, in every State. Baden, where Struve and Hecker were

already prominent as leaders of the opposition, took the lead: then, on

the 13th of March the people of Vienna rose, and after a bloody fight

with the troops compelled Metternich to give up his office as Minister,

and seek safety in exile.



In Berlin, Frederick William IV. yielded to the pressure on the 18th of

March, but, either by accident or rashness, a fight was brought on

between the soldiers and the people, and a number of the latter were

slain. Their bodies, lifted on planks, with all the bloody wounds

exposed, were carried before the royal palace and the king was compelled

to come to the window and look upon them. All the demands of the

revolutionary party were thereupon instantly granted. The next day

Frederick William rode through the streets, preceded by the ancient

Imperial banner of black, red and gold, swore to grant the rights which

were demanded, and, with the concurrence of the other princes, to put

himself at the head of a movement for German Unity. A proclamation was

published which closed with the words: "From this day forward, Prussia

becomes merged in Germany." The soldiers were removed from Berlin, and

the popular excitement gradually subsided.



[Sidenote: 1848. A NATIONAL PARLIAMENT CALLED.]



Before these outbreaks occurred, the Diet at Frankfort had caught the

alarm, and hastened to take a step which seemed to yield something to

the general demand. On the 1st of March, it invited the separate States

to send special delegates to Frankfort, empowered to draw up a new form

of union for Germany. Four days afterwards, a meeting which included

many of the prominent men of Southern Germany was held at Heidelberg,

and it was decided to hold a Provisional Assembly at Frankfort, as a

movement preliminary to the greater changes which were anticipated. This

proposal received a hearty response: on the 31st of March quite a large

and respectable body, from all the German States, came together in

Frankfort. The demand of the party headed by Hecker that a Republic

should be proclaimed, was rejected; but the principle of "the

sovereignty of the people" was adopted, Schleswig and Holstein, which

had risen in revolt against the Danish rule, were declared to be a part

of Germany, and a Committee of Fifty was appointed, to cooperate with

the old Diet in calling a National Parliament.



There was great rejoicing in Germany over these measures. The people

were full of hope and confidence; the men who were chosen as candidates

and elected by suffrage, were almost without exception persons of

character and intelligence, and when they came together, six hundred in

number, and opened the first National Parliament of Germany, in the

church of St. Paul, in Frankfort, on the 18th of May, 1848, there were

few patriots who did not believe in a speedy and complete regeneration

of their country. In the meantime, however, Hecker and Struve, who had

organized a great number of republican clubs throughout Baden, rose in

arms against the government. After maintaining themselves for two weeks

in Freiburg and the Black Forest, they were defeated and forced to take

refuge in Switzerland. Hecker went to America, and Struve, making a

second attempt shortly afterwards, was taken prisoner.



[Sidenote: 1848.]



The lack of practical political experience among the members soon

disturbed the Parliament. The most of them were governed by theories,

and insisted on carrying out certain principles, instead of trying to

adapt them to the existing circumstances. With all their honesty and

genuine patriotism, they relied too much on the sudden enthusiasm of the

people, and undervalued the actual strength of the governing classes,

because the latter had so easily yielded to the first surprise. The

republican party was in a decided minority; and the remainder soon

became divided between the "Small-Germans," who favored the union of all

the States, except Austria, under a constitutional monarchy, and the

"Great-Germans," who insisted that Austria should be included. After a

great deal of discussion, the former Diet was declared abolished on the

28th of June; a Provisional Central Government was appointed, and the

Archduke John of Austria--an amiable, popular and inoffensive old

man--was elected "Vicar-General of the Empire." This action was accepted

by all the States except Austria and Prussia, which delayed to commit

themselves until they were strong enough to oppose the whole scheme.



The history of 1848 is divided into so many detached episodes, that it

cannot be given in a connected form. The revolt which broke out in

Schleswig-Holstein early in March, was supported by enthusiastic German

volunteers, and then by a Prussian army, which drove the Danes back into

Jutland. Great rejoicing was occasioned by the destruction of the Danish

frigate Christian VIII. and the capture of the Gefion, at

Eckernfoerde, by a battery commanded by Duke Ernest II. of Coburg-Gotha.

But England and Russia threatened armed intervention; Prussia was forced

to suspend hostilities and make a truce with Denmark, on terms which

looked very much like an abandonment of the cause of Schleswig-Holstein.



This action was accepted by a majority of the Parliament at

Frankfort,--a course which aroused the deepest indignation of the

democratic minority and their sympathizers everywhere throughout

Germany. On the 18th of September barricades were thrown up in the

streets of Frankfort, and an armed mob stormed the church where the

Parliament was in session, but was driven back by Prussian and Hessian

troops. Two members, General Auerswald and Prince Lichnowsky, were

barbarously murdered in attempting to escape from the city. This lawless

and bloody event was a great damage to the national cause: the two

leading States, Prussia and Austria, instantly adopted a sterner policy,

and there were soon signs of a general reaction against the Revolution.



[Sidenote: 1849. END OF THE HUNGARIAN WAR.]



The condition of Austria, at this time, was very critical. The uprising

in Vienna had been followed by powerful and successful rebellions in

Lombardy, Hungary and Bohemia, and the Empire of the Hapsburgs seemed to

be on the point of dissolution. The struggle was confused and made more

bitter by the hostility of the different nationalities: the Croatians,

at the call of the Emperor, rose against the Hungarians, and then the

Germans, in the Legislative Assembly held at Vienna, accused the

government of being guided by Slavonic influences. Another furious

outbreak occurred, Count Latour, the former minister of war, was hung to

a lamp-post, and the city was again in the hands of the revolutionists.

Kossuth, who had become all-powerful in Hungary, had already raised an

army, to be employed in conquering the independence of his country, and

he now marched rapidly towards Vienna, which was threatened by the

Austrian general Windischgraetz. Almost within sight of the city, he was

defeated by Jellachich, the Ban of Croatia: the latter joined the

Austrians, and after a furious bombardment, Vienna was taken by storm.

Messenhauser, the commander of the insurgents, and Robert Blum, a member

of the National Parliament, were afterwards shot by order of

Windischgraetz, who crushed out all resistance by the most severe and

inhuman measures.



Hungary, nevertheless, was already practically independent, and Kossuth

stood at the head of the government. The movement was eagerly supported

by the people: an army of 100,000 men was raised, including cavalry

which could hardly be equalled in Europe. Kossuth was supported by

Goergey, and the Polish generals, Bern and Dembinski; and although the

Hungarians at first fell back before Windischgraetz, who marched against

them in December, they gained a series of splendid victories in the

spring of 1849, and their success seemed assured. Austria was forced to

call upon Russia for help, and the Emperor Nicholas responded by

sending an army of 140,000 men. Kossuth vainly hoped for the

intervention of England and France in favor of Hungary: up to the end of

May the patriots were still victorious, then followed defeats in the

field and confusion in the councils. The Hungarian government and a

large part of the army fell back to Arad, where, on the 11th of August,

Kossuth transferred his dictatorship to Goergey, and the latter, two days

afterwards, surrendered at Vilagos, with about 25,000 men, to the

Russian general Ruediger.



[Sidenote: 1849.]



This surrender caused Goergey's name to be execrated in Hungary, and by



all who sympathized with the Hungarian cause throughout the world. It

was made, however, with the knowledge of Kossuth, who had transferred

his power to the former for that purpose, while he, with Bem, Dembinski

and a few other followers, escaped into Turkey. In fact, further

resistance would have been madness, for Haynau, who had succeeded to the

command of the Austrian forces, was everywhere successful in front, and

the Russians were in the rear. The first judgment of the world upon

Goergey's act was therefore unjust. The fortress of Comorn, on the

Danube, was the last post occupied by the Hungarians. It surrendered,

after an obstinate siege, to Haynau, who then perpetrated such

barbarities that his name became infamous in all countries.



In Italy, the Revolution broke out in March, 1848. Marshal Radetzky, the

Austrian Governor in Milan, was driven out of the city: the Lombards,

supported by the Sardinians under their king, Charles Albert, drove him

to Verona: Venice had also risen, and nearly all Northern Italy was thus

freed from the Austrian yoke. In the course of the summer, however,

Radetzky achieved some successes, and thereupon concluded an armistice

with Sardinia, which left him free to undertake the siege of Venice. On

the 12th of March, 1849, Charles Albert resumed the war, and on the 23d,

in the battle of Novara, was so ruinously defeated that he abdicated the

throne of Sardinia in favor of his son, Victor Emanuel. The latter, on

leaving the field, shook his sword at the advancing Austrians, and cried

out: "There shall yet be an Italy!"--but he was compelled at the time to

make peace on the best terms he could obtain. In August, Venice also

surrendered, after a heroic defence, and Austria was again supreme in

Italy as in Hungary.



[Sidenote: 1850. DISSOLUTION OF THE PARLIAMENT.]



During this time, the National Parliament in Frankfort had been

struggling against the difficulties of its situation. The democratic

movement was almost suppressed, and there was an earnest effort to

effect a German Union; but this was impossible without the concurrence

of either Austria or Prussia, and the rivalry of the two gave rise to

constant jealousies and impediments. On the 2d of December, 1848, the

Viennese Ministry persuaded the idiotic Emperor Ferdinand to abdicate,

and placed his nephew, Francis Joseph, a youth of eighteen, upon the

throne. Every change of the kind begets new hopes, and makes a

government temporarily popular; so this was a gain for Austria.

Nevertheless, the "Small-German" party finally triumphed in the

Parliament. On the 28th of March, 1849, Frederick Wilhelm IV. of Germany

was elected "Hereditary Emperor of Germany." All the small States

accepted the choice: Bavaria, Wuertemberg, Saxony and Hannover refused;

Austria protested, and the king himself, after hesitating for a week,

declined.



This was a great blow to the hopes of the national party. It was

immediately followed by fierce popular outbreaks in Dresden, Wuertemberg

and Baden: in the last of these States the Grand-Duke was driven away,

and a provisional government instituted. Prussia sent troops to suppress

the revolt, and a war on a small scale was carried on during the months

of June and July, when the republican forces yielded to superior power.

This was the end of armed resistance: the governments had recovered from

their panic, the French Republic, under the Prince-President Louis

Napoleon, was preparing for monarchy, Italy and Hungary were prostrate,

and nothing was left for the earnest and devoted German patriots, but to

save what rights they could from the wreck of their labors.



The Parliament gradually dissolved, by the recall of some of its

members, and the withdrawal of others. Only the democratic minority

remained, and sought to keep up its existence by removing to Stuttgart;

but, once there, it was soon forcibly dispersed. Prussia next endeavored

to create a German Confederation, based on representation: Saxony and

Hannover at first joined, a convention of the members of the

"Small-German" party, held at Gotha, accepted the plan, and then the

small States united, while Saxony and Hannover withdrew and allied

themselves with Bavaria and Wuertemberg in a counter-union. The adherents

of the former plan met in Berlin in 1850: on the 1st of September,

Austria declared the old Diet opened at Frankfort, under her presidency,

and twelve States hastened to obey her call. The hostility between the

two parties so increased that for a time war seemed to be inevitable:

Austrian troops invaded Hesse-Cassel, an army was collected in Bohemia,

while Prussia, relying on the help of Russia, was quite unprepared. Then

Frederick William IV. yielded: Prussia submitted to Austria in all

points, and on the 15th of May, 1851, the Diet was restored in

Frankfort, with a vague promise that its Constitution should be amended.



[Sidenote: 1852.]



Thus, after an interruption of three years, the old machine was put upon

the old track, and a strong and united Germany seemed as far off as

ever. A dismal period of reaction began. Louis Napoleon's violent

assumption of power in December, 1851, was welcomed by the German

rulers, all of whom greeted the new Emperor as "brother"; a Congress

held in London in May, 1852, confirmed Denmark in the possession of

Schleswig and Holstein; Austria abolished her Legislative Assembly, in

utter disregard of the provisions of 1815, upon which the Diet was

based; Hesse-Cassel, with the consent of Austria, Prussia and the Diet,

overthrew the constitution which had protected the people for twenty

years; and even Prussia, where an arbitrary policy was no longer

possible, gradually suppressed the more liberal features of the

government. Worse than this, the religious liberty which Germany had so

long enjoyed, was insidiously assailed. Austria, Bavaria and Wuertemberg

made "Concordats" with the Pope, which gave the control of schools and

marriages among the people into the hands of the priests. Frederick

William IV. did his best to acquire the same despotic power for the

Protestant Church in Prussia, and thereby assisted the designs of the

Church of Rome, more than most of the Catholic rulers.



Placed between the disguised despotism of Napoleon III. and the open and

arrogant despotism of Nicholas of Russia, Germany, for a time, seemed to

be destined to a similar fate. The result of the Crimean war, and the

liberal policy inaugurated by Alexander II. in Russia, damped the hopes

of the German absolutists, but failed to teach them wisdom. Prussia was

practically governed by the interests of a class of nobles, whose absurd

pride was only equalled by their ignorance of the age in which they

lived. With all his wit and talent, Frederick William IV. was utterly

blind to his position, and the longer he reigned the more he made the

name of Prussia hated throughout the rest of Germany.



[Sidenote: 1857. WILLIAM I. REGENT OF PRUSSIA.]



But the fruits of the national movement in 1848 and 1849 were not lost.

The earnest efforts of those two years, the practical experience of

political matters acquired by the liberal party, were an immense gain to

the people. In every State there was a strong body of intelligent men,

who resisted the reaction by all the legal means left them, and who,

although discouraged, were still hopeful of success. The increase of

general intelligence among the people, the growth of an independent

press, the extension of railroads which made the old system of passports

and police supervision impossible,--all these were powerful agencies of

progress; but only a few rulers of the smaller States saw this truth,

and favored the liberal side.



In October, 1857, Frederick William IV. was stricken with apoplexy, and

his brother, Prince William, began to rule in his name. The latter, then

sixty years old, had grown up without the least prospect that he would

ever wear the crown: although he possessed no brilliant intellectual

qualities, he was shrewd, clear-sighted, and honest, and after a year's

experience of the policy which governed Prussia, he refused to rule

longer unless the whole power were placed in his hands. As soon as he

was made Prince Regent, he dismissed the feudalist Ministry of his

brother and established a new and more liberal government. The hopes of

the German people instantly revived: Bavaria was compelled to follow the

example of Prussia, the reaction against the national movement of 1848

was interrupted everywhere, and the political horizon suddenly began to

grow brighter.



The desire of the people for a closer national union was so intense,

that when, in June, 1859, Austria was defeated at Magenta and Solferino,

a cry ran through Germany: "The Rhine must be defended on the Mincio!"

and the demand for an alliance with Austria against France became so

earnest and general, that Prussia would certainly have yielded to it, if

Napoleon III. had not forestalled the movement by concluding an instant

peace with Francis Joseph. When, in 1860, all Italy rose, and the

dilapidated thrones of the petty rulers fell to pieces, as the people

united under Victor Emanuel, the Germans saw how hasty and mistaken had

been their excitement of the year before. The interests of the Italians

were identical with theirs, and the success of the former filled them

with fresh hope and courage.



[Sidenote: 1861.]



Austria, after her defeat and the overwhelming success of the popular

uprising in Italy, seemed to perceive the necessity of conceding more to

her own subjects. She made some attempts to introduce a restricted form

of constitutional government, which excited without satisfying the

people. Prussia continued to advance slowly in the right direction,

regaining her lost influence over the active and intelligent liberal

party throughout Germany. On the 2d of January, 1861, Frederick William

IV. died, and William I. became King. From this date a new history

begins.