The New German Empire

(1871--1893.)



The First German Parliament by Direct Vote. --The Political Factions.

--The Ultramontane Party in Opposition to the Government.

--Struggle with the Church of Rome. --"Kulturkampf." --Falk

appointed Minister of Culture. --His first Success. --Animosity of

the Pope. --The Jesuits expelled from Germany. --The May Laws.

--The Roman Catholic Clergy rebel. --Civil Marriage made requisite.

--The "Bundesrath." --Meeting of the Three Emperors. --Armaments.

--Peace secured by Diplomacy. --Financial Questions. --Bismarck

obliged to look to the Ultramontanes for Parliamentary Support. --A

conciliatory Policy towards the Roman Church. --Falk resigns. --The

Social-Democrats, and the Attacks on the Life of William I. --The

Exceptional Law. --Party Dissensions. --A higher Protective Policy

introduced. --New Taxes. --The Opening of Parliament in 1881.

--Scheme of the Government for bettering the Condition of the

Workingmen. --The Colonial Question. --War-Clouds. --France finds a

Sympathizer in Russia. --The Triple Alliance. --The Military

Budget. --The Dissolution of Parliament. --The Government gains a

Victory by new Elections. --Ludwig II. of Bavaria and his tragic

End. --The Death of Emperor William I. --Fatal Disease of the

Crown-Prince. --The Latter as Frederick III. --His Death. --His

Successor, William II. --Resignation of Bismarck. --General Caprivi

made Chancellor. --The German-English Agreement. --The Triple

Alliance renewed. --New commercial Treaties. --Withdrawal of the

School Bill. --A new Army Bill rejected and Parliament dissolved.

--New Elections result in victory for the Government.





[Sidenote: 1871. FIRST SESSION OF PARLIAMENT.]



After many a dark and gloomy century, the dream of a united Germany was

realized. The outer pile stood complete before the awakening nation and

an astonished world; now there remained to be done the patient,

painstaking work of consolidating the federation of States in all

particulars, making the different parts one within as well as without.



On the 21st of March, 1871, the first German Parliament, elected by the

direct vote of the people, met at Berlin, the capital of the federation,

and the political parties took their stand. Bismarck, Prince, Chancellor

of the Empire, acknowledged as the first statesman of Europe, saw the

advantage of a liberal policy, which secured for the Government the

support of the Nationals and the Liberals, and with them a sufficient

majority to carry out its plans. At the same time the Chancellor had to

reckon with an opposition that was threatening to German unity. Chief

among it were the Ultramontanes (or Papal party), so called because they

looked beyond the Alps for their sovereign guide--the Church of Rome.

They formed the Centre party, and around them all the dissatisfied

elements grouped themselves--the Particularists, who still held on to

their petty provincial interests; the Poles from Eastern Prussia; the

Danes from northern Schleswig; the Social-Democrats; and later the

representatives of Alsatia and Lorraine. On the utmost right sat the old

feudal nobility, which was reactionary at the outset. Although diverging

far apart in aims and purposes, these different factions joined hands

against the Federal Government whenever their interests were concerned,

and thus at times constituted a powerful foe.



[Sidenote: 1872.]



It soon became evident that the chief battle to maintain union and

freedom had to be fought with the Ultramontanes, who were inspired by

the counsel of the Vatican and upheld by the authority actually wielded

in Germany by the Roman Catholic Church. The concessions made to it in

Prussia by the romantic spirit of Frederick William IV. had borne their

bitter fruit, and the Protestant kingdom had become even more a foothold

for the Church of Rome than Catholic Bavaria. On the same day on which

France declared war against Germany the Papal power sounded another

war-trumpet by proclaiming the Dogma of Papal Infallibility. Germany had

been the victor in the combat with France; it now had to encounter the

other foe in defence of the best life of the nation--an untrammelled

conscience, free schools, the sway of reason, and the light of science.



The task of fighting a state within the state, which confronted the

Federal Government and the nation at the very outset, was hard and

bitter on both sides. It took place in Parliament as well as in the

Prussian and Bavarian Assemblies, and as a struggle for the preservation

of the blessings of modern civilization it has been designated

"Kulturkampf," a fight for culture.



In the beginning of 1872 the Chancellor knew himself sufficiently

supported by the National-Liberals in Parliament and in the Prussian

Assembly to take up the combat with the Roman Church and its adherents

in both political bodies. He caused the reactionary Minister of

Culture, von Muehler, to resign his office, and invited Adalbert Falk, a

statesman of keen insight and fearless energy, to take his place. Falk

undertook to define the boundaries between the State and the Church by a

series of laws, and his first success was in carrying through the

Prussian Assembly a bill that made the public schools independent of the

Church, and gave their supervision to the State. The Pope's answer to

this measure was his refusal to receive the Emperor's ambassador,

Cardinal Hohenlohe, who had been nominated for diplomatic representation

at the Vatican on account of his conciliatory spirit. At this period

Bismarck made his famous declaration, "To Canossa we do not go!" The

conflict waxed hotter, and from all parts of Germany the enlightened

portions of the people sent petitions to Parliament, asking it to

exclude from the precincts of the Empire the Jesuits, who were known to

be the Pope's advisers, and as such were at the root of the evil. The

demand was granted. A bill to that effect was introduced into

Parliament, and, after much passionate debate, became a law. Before the

close of the year every member of the Society of Jesus had to leave

Germany, and all institutions belonging to that organization were

closed.



[Sidenote: 1873. THE MAY LAWS.]



The year 1873 brought about the important legislation by which the lines

between the competencies of State and Church were conclusively defined.

It was designed primarily to benefit Prussia, but its effect in the end

was of advantage to the whole of Germany. The bills destined to restrict

the undue power of the Roman Catholic Church, in spite of violent

opposition on the part of the Ultramontanes and the reactionary Feudals,

were carried through the Prussian Assembly in the month of May, and

hence are called the "May laws." They were met by open rebellion on the

part of the Prussian episcopacy. The Catholic clergy closed the doors of

their seminaries to the Government supervisors; they published protests

of every form against legislation that had not the sanction of the Papal

See; they omitted to make announcement to the provincial governments of

newly appointed curates or beneficiaries, and demonstrated in every way

their insubordination to the lay authorities. In accordance with the new

laws, these rebellious acts were punished by the withdrawal of dotations

that had been granted by the State to Roman Catholic seminaries or

schools, and the latter in some instances were closed. The curates

appointed without consent of the head authorities were forbidden to

officiate, and their religious functions declared to be null and void.

Then the rebellious prelates were fined or imprisoned, and, as a last

resort, declared to be out of office, while the endowments of their

dioceses were administered by lay officials.



[Sidenote: 1874.]



In 1874 civil marriage was made obligatory by law, first in Prussia, and

then, after receiving also the sanction of Parliament, throughout the

Empire. With this measure a powerful weapon was wrenched from the hands

of the clergy, and another blow was dealt. Other measures followed,

under protests from Pope and clergy, and hot debating was continued in

the legislative bodies, until, in 1876, matters of another nature and

more momentous importance forced themselves to the front.



The work for organization and reform, up to this time, had progressed in

various directions, and the proposed measures for cementing German unity

had received more or less ready support in Parliament and the Assemblies

of the different States. The latter had their representatives at Berlin,

who were nominated by their respective sovereigns. They met in a body

called the Bundesrath--the Counsel of the Federation. Any step taken by

the Federal Government towards legislation affecting the whole of the

Empire had to be laid before and agreed to by the Bundesrath before it

could be introduced into Parliament. Thus the rights of the States were

preserved, and the reigning Princes were made still to feel their

importance, which tended to create harmony between them and the Empire.



While the interior growth of the latter was of a healthy and steady

nature, the genius of the great statesman, Prince Bismarck, was busy

likewise in allaying the fears and, in a measure, mollifying the envy

and jealousies of neighboring powers. In September, 1872, the Emperors

of Germany, Austria, and Russia met at Berlin, to renew assurances of

friendship and thus convince the world of their peaceable intentions.

The cordial relations between the reigning families of Germany and Italy

were strengthened by visits from court to court, and even Denmark was

somewhat pacified in regard to its loss of Schleswig-Holstein. But

France still frowned at a distance, and was preparing for revenge. The

meeting of the three Emperors gave her additional offence, and she

strove to reorganize and enlarge her army. This called forth

counter-movements in Germany, where the reorganization of the army--even

before the late wars a pet project of William I.--had been agreed to by

Parliament. A prudent diplomacy, and the friendly demonstrations of

Alexander II. to the German Emperor and his Chancellor, dispelled for a

time the rising war-clouds, and the peaceful work of interior

organization was continued.



[Sidenote: 1882. REVISION OF THE MAY LAWS.]



After the Roman Church had been restricted to its lawful boundaries, the

most important questions looming up were those in reference to financial

matters. The income of the Empire proved insufficient to cover the

enormous outlay for necessary changes and reforms to be perfected, while

at the same time influences were brought about to forward a higher

protective policy than had been adhered to hitherto. In order to bring

about an increased tariff, and such taxation as the financial situation

required, the Chancellor had to look for the support of other parties

than the Nationals and the Liberal-Conservatives. He took it where it

was offered, and here the Ultramontanes or Centre party saw their

opportunity. The consequence was a tacit compromise with the latter. The

contest with the Vatican faltered; a conciliatory policy was adopted in

matters concerning the Catholic Church, and Falk, seeing his work

crippled, resigned his office, in 1879, to make room for a reactionary

Minister of Culture. In 1882 a revision of the May laws took place; the

refractory bishops were allowed to return, the ecclesiastical

institutions were reopened, salaries were paid once more to the clergy

by the State, and other restitutions were made, for all of which the

Pope only acceded to the demand that new appointments of ecclesiastics

should be announced in due form to the German Government.



At this period the political situation was aggravated by the agitation

of the Social-Democrats, and by what seemed to be its direct outgrowth,

the repeated murderous attempts on the life of the Emperor William I. in

May and June, 1878. These startling events opened the eyes of the people

to a danger in their very midst--a danger threatening society and all

its most sacred institutions. To avert it, the Chancellor at once caused

a bill to be drawn up for an exceptional law, meant to suppress all

aggressive movements of the Social-Democrats and reduce them to silence.

When it was laid before Parliament, it found no favor with the

majority, and was rejected; whereupon the Chancellor, in the name of the

Emperor, declared Parliament to be dissolved. The new elections did not

bring about any considerable change; but a majority was obtained, and

the exceptional law was established for two years and a half, which

period afterwards was prolonged several times.



[Sidenote: 1881.]



The steady inner growth of the first eight or nine years had now been

checked by party dissension and political discord, brought on chiefly by

the financial difficulties, in which the new Empire found itself

involved, and the steady demand from centres of industry and agriculture

for higher protective measures. These demands, being favored by the

Chancellor, were gaining the upper hand: customs were increased, a new

duty was raised on cereals, and a considerable tax was put upon spirits.

All this made it easy for the Radicals to agitate and alarm the masses

of the people, and in consequence the parliamentary elections of 1881

gave a majority to the extreme Liberals in opposition to the Government.

When the new Parliament convened, the venerable Emperor, William I.,

opened it in person, and read a message the tenor of which was more than

usually solemn, pointing with great emphasis to the social evils of the

time, and the best remedies for healing them. The sequel of this message

was a project of great magnitude, which the Federal Government

introduced into Parliament for the purpose of bettering the conditions

of the laboring classes. To carry it out required successive bills and

years of indefatigable work, incessant debating, and many a hard

struggle with opposition, until at present the whole system is in

working order. It comprises a series of insurances for laborers, to

secure them from losses by sickness, accidents, invalidity, and age.

These insurances are obligatory, and the cost of them is borne jointly

by the Government, the employers, and the laborers themselves.



About this time the colonial question also caused a clashing of parties.

To open new channels of commerce and enterprise, certain mercantile

houses had acquired large tracts of land on foreign continents, and now

asked the protection of the Empire for their efforts. Germany, now a

first-class power and in possession of a growing navy, needed

coaling-stations in foreign waters, new lines of steamers to connect

directly with Africa and eastern Asia, and an outlet for her rapidly

multiplying population, which she would rather colonize under her own

flag than lose by emigration to other countries. The Federal Government

therefore took up this matter in its own interest, and asked Parliament

for appropriations and subsidies to carry out those enlarged plans. The

demand was received on the part of the Liberals and Radicals with

violent opposition; but, in the end, the decision, with the assistance

of the Centre party, was in favor of the Government.



[Sidenote: 1882. THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE.]



In the meantime fresh war-clouds were gathering on the political

horizon, on account of the accumulation of Russian troops on the

frontiers of Germany and Austria. The violent death of Alexander II. of

Russia had deprived Germany of a friend whom his successor, Alexander

III., did not mean to replace. His sympathies were with the growing

Pan-slavistic party, which through its press was exciting hatred against

all that was German. Thus France felt herself drawn towards Russia, and

both the Republic and the semi-barbarian Empire stood ready at any

moment to make common cause for the ruin of Germany. This constant

menace and its attendant rivalry in armament could not but be a

misfortune, not merely for Germany but for all the powers concerned. To

avert the danger of war as long as possible, the deep insight of the

great man at the helm of the Federal Government of Germany had led him

to take an important step in good time. As early as 1879 he had created

a counterpoise to the threatening attitude of France and Russia by

concluding an alliance for defensive purposes between Germany and

Austria, which a few years later was joined by Italy, and, as the

"Triple Alliance," has been the wedge to keep apart the hostile powers

in the East and the West, securing peace thereby.



In 1886 the time approached for a new military budget. The armaments of

both Russia and France had reached such enormous dimensions that the

German Government could not but know the military forces of the Empire

to be no longer on an equal footing with the hostile powers.

Consequently, it now asked Parliament not only for a new septennial

budget for military purposes, as twice before since 1874, but also for

appropriations to raise a larger contingent of soldiers (one per cent.

of the whole population, which, according to the last census, made

41,000 men more than at that time), and additional sums for

fortifications, barracks, arms, etc. Thereupon ensued another

parliamentary contest. The opposition proved themselves not sufficiently

patriotic to take a large view, and, in concert with the Centre, the

Liberals demanded that the contingent of soldiers should be diminished

and the budget granted for three years only. After much passionate

debate, and in spite of Bismarck's weighty eloquence, the motion of the

Government was carried in a crippled condition and by only a small

majority. Then Parliament was once more dissolved, and new elections

took place about a month afterwards (21st of February, 1887), which made

evident the temper of the people, since the Liberals and

Social-Democrats were heavy losers. Only half of their former number was

returned to Parliament. The military bill was now carried by a large

majority of Conservatives and Nationals, and financial as well as other

matters of importance were brought to a quick issue.



[Sidenote: 1887.]



The almost miraculous rise of a united Germany, and its wonderful inner

growth, had its reverses in the tragical events that took place in the

royal houses of Bavaria and Prussia, during 1886 and 1888. King Ludwig

II. of Bavaria, a man of superior intellectual qualities and gifted with

great charms, had been a victim of late years to mental hallucinations,

which at last began to endanger the finances and constitutional rights

of the country. It became necessary to declare him insane and to

establish a regency in his name. This and his confinement to his lonely

castle of Berg led the king to drown himself in the lake bordering the

grounds. His corpse and that of his attendant physician were found where

the gravel bottom of the shallow water gave evidence of a struggle

having taken place. Since the successor of Ludwig II., his younger

brother, Otto, was a confirmed maniac, the regency still remained with

Prince Luitpold, the uncle of both these unfortunate kings. He was

imbued with the national idea of German unity, and continued the same

wise and liberal policy that governed the actions of Ludwig II. in his

best days--a policy which earned for him the fame of being called one of

the founders of a united German Empire.



Early in 1888 the Emperor, nearly ninety-one years old, showed signs of

declining vitality, and in March the end was at hand. It was peaceful,

though clouded by a great sorrow which filled the last months of his

life. There was a vacant place among the members of his family who

surrounded his death-bed. His son, the Crown-Prince, now fifty-six years

of age, was detained by a fatal disease at San Remo, in Italy. William

I., beloved by the German people as no sovereign before him had been,

died on the 9th of March, and his son and heir, Frederick III., began

his reign of ninety-nine days. Sick as he was, and deprived of speech in

consequence of his cruel disease, his inborn sense of duty caused him to

set out for Berlin as soon as the news of the old Emperor's death

reached him. His proclamation to the people and his rescript to Prince

Bismarck are evidences of the noble and patriotic spirit that animated

him; but he was too ill, and his reign was too short, to determine what

he would have been to Germany had he lived. He died on the 15th of June,

1888, and almost his last words to his son and successor were: "Learn to

suffer without complaint."



[Sidenote: 1888. WILLIAM II.]



William II., born on the 27th of January, 1859, now became Emperor of

Germany. Many were the doubts with which he was seen to succeed to the

throne. He was young in years, in view of the heavy responsibilities

awaiting him; impulsive, where a steady head was required; and a soldier

with all his heart. Nevertheless, there was nothing to indicate during

the first years of his reign that the "old course" had been abandoned.

The first important event took place in March, 1890, when the startling

news was heard that Prince Bismarck had sent his resignation to the

Emperor, and that it had been accepted. For a moment the fate of Germany

seemed to hang in suspense; but the public mind soon recovered from the

shock it had received, and the most thoughtful of people realized that a

young ruler, imbued with modern ideas, and with an individuality all his

own, could not be expected to remain in harmony with or to be guided by

a statesman who, however great and wise, was growing old and in a

measure incapable of seeing a new light in affairs of internal policy.

On March 29th the ex-Chancellor left Berlin to retire to his estates.

Along his drive to the railway station he received the spontaneous

ovations of an immense concourse of people, who by their enthusiastic

cheers showed their appreciation for the creator of the new Germany.



[Sidenote: 1890.]



The Emperor nominated General Caprivi Chancellor of the Empire in place

of Bismarck. It was a good choice, since William II. evidently meant in

future to be his own chancellor. He was of too vivacious a nature to

accept a policy of State and Empire made ready to his hands. He had

knowledge, and ideas of his own which he expected to carry out. The

first serious dissension between the Emperor and Bismarck seems to have

turned upon the question of Socialism. Bismarck was in favor of

combating it with the utmost vigor, in order to avert the dangers

threatening to State and society; the Emperor, on the contrary, was for

conciliatory measures; for listening to the demands of the laboring

classes, and remedying by arbitration and further legislation the evils

of which they complained. The repressive measures hitherto resorted to,

and the new ones proposed, were abandoned, and thus far there is no

cause to condemn this "new course." Although the dangers from Socialism

have not grown less, it is no longer necessary for the enemy of social

order and justice to hide his face, and by that much it is easier to

fight him and to strike at the right spot.



Another event of note which took place in the same year, is the

German-English agreement of July 1st, by which the respective limits of

colonial possessions in Africa were regulated, and Germany became the

possessor of the island of Helgoland as a compensation for the lion's

share secured in Africa by England. The only value Germany derives from

this acquisition will show itself in a future war, when the fortified

island-rock may serve as an outpost, disputing the advance of hostile

war ships toward the northern coast of Germany.



In the following year the Triple Alliance was renewed, and had the

wholesome effect of stopping various rumors of war. Besides, Russia, who

had exchanged uncommon civilities with France, was in no condition to go

to war, crippled as she was by the dreadful suffering of her people

through famine consequent upon the failure of crops. Still another

incentive was furnished for France and Russia to remain at peace by an

understanding between England and Italy to keep intact the status quo

in the Mediterranean. Although not a treaty in the literal sense of the

word, it was sufficient to raise the prestige of the Triple Alliance,

and thus to strengthen its pacific tendencies.



[Sidenote: 1892. THE ARMY BILL.]



But the most important feature of internal policy is to be found in the

new commercial treaties which Germany contracted, first with the two

other powers of the Triple Alliance--Austria-Hungary and Italy--and

then with Belgium and Switzerland, as the most favored nations. The

treaties were planned and carefully drafted to bring relief to the

industrial classes by opening fresh channels for the exports of the

country; but inasmuch as the tariff was lowered by them on the

necessities of life, they also favored the rest of the population and

especially the laboring classes. These treaties were ratified in

Parliament by a large majority.



In the spring of the year (April 24th) Germany lost one of her greatest

men, the Field-Marshal Count Moltke, who had lived more than ninety

years in the full enjoyment of his powers. Another man, who also had

been prominent in his way, Windthorst, had died just one month before

Moltke, but he was missed only by the Roman Catholic Centre party, who

lost in him their ablest leader.



The following year a bill was laid before the Prussian Assembly

purporting to reform the public schools, but introducing at the same

time such clauses as would render both public and private schools

confessional. The bill was no sooner made public than it became evident

that only the ultra Conservatives and the Centre or Ultramontane party

were in favor of it, while the other parties, and behind them their

constituents, declared themselves extremely opposed to it. In

consequence of this bill the whole of Germany became greatly agitated;

numerous protests were sent to the Assembly and the Minister of Culture,

and men of note and intellect put in print their ominous warnings. All

this resulted in the withdrawal of the bill and the resignation of the

Minister of Culture, Count Zedlitz. But before the end of the year a new

army measure began to stir afresh the minds of politicians and people.

In his speech delivered before Parliament on November 23d, Caprivi

explained that new sacrifices in money and taxation were necessary, in

order to make the German army efficient to fight enemies "on two

fronts." He went on to demonstrate that, although no war was in sight,

France had surpassed Germany in her military organization and numbers,

while Russia was continually perfecting her strategical railway system,

and locating her best troops on her western frontier. To keep up an

equal footing with her neighbors, it was necessary for Germany to add

83,894 men to the present number of soldiers. In order to do this the

existing obligation to serve in the army would have to be extended to

every one capable of carrying arms. The cost was estimated at

$16,700,000 for the first year, and $16,000,000 for every year

succeeding. As a compensation for the heavy burdens to be imposed, the

Government offered to reduce the time for active service from three to

two years.



[Sidenote: 1893.]



There was from the first a widespread doubt among the people of the

necessity for such heavy sacrifices as were entailed by this bill, and

the possibility of carrying it successfully through Parliament. The body

deferred dealing with it until the following year, when the fate of the

bill was adversely decided on the 6th of May by a majority of

forty-eight out of three hundred and seventy-two votes. Parliament was

at once dissolved, and new elections were ordered to take place on the

15th of June. In the interval some unexpected splits favoring the

Government's cause occurred in the Centre party and among the Liberals,

or Radicals--a name now more befitting. As the election proceeded, it

became more and more evident that the opposition was losing and the

Government gaining ground.



[Sidenote: 1893. THE ARMY BILL.]



The newly elected Parliament was opened on July 4th, and the Army bill,

in a slightly modified form, was passed without delay after the third

reading by a majority of sixteen out of three hundred and eighty-six

votes. Small as this majority seems, it was a decided victory for the

Government, since the latter had abstained throughout the elections from

influencing them in any way. The ultimate passage of the bill, however,

leaves the implied financial problem still unsolved. The outlook is not

cheerful. Although an objective view of recent events is out of the

question, there is room for doubting that the future of Germany will be

tranquil. Owing to the general depression in industrial and agricultural

fields, the financial question is sure to engender bitterness and

strife. Nor is there any encouragement to be gained when we consider the

numerous factions into which the parliamentary representation of the

Empire is divided at the present time. What with the proportionately

large gain of the Social-Democrats during the late elections, the

numerically powerful Centrists acting in the interest of Roman

Catholicism, the Particularists asserting themselves again, and the

Anti-Semites with their socialistic affinities, it would seem inevitable

that great struggles are yet to come. But we might hopefully say that

Germany, in the evolution of her national growth, is just now passing

through a trying period of change, the mists of which will be swept away

in time, when by a clearer apprehension of parliamentary life and

practice, and the exercise of a more concentrated patriotism, she will

be strong, indeed, in freedom and in Unity.